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UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 


AMERICANA  GERMANICA 

MONOGRAPHS  DEVOTED  TO  THE  COMPARATIVE 
STUDY  OF  THE 

Literary,  Linguistic  and  Other  Cultural  Relations 

OF 

Germany  and  America 


EDITOR 

MARION    DEXTER    LEARNED 

University  of  Pennsylvania 

(See  List  at  the  End  of  the  Book] 


NEW  YORK 
D.  APPLETON  &  COMPANY 

PUBLISHING    AGENTS 


\ 


NATIONAL  UNITY 


ROY  H.  PERRING,  PH.D. 

Professor  of  German  at  Grinnell  College 


Amrrtrana  (Srrmatrira 
No.  14 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

D.  APPLETON  &  Co.,  AGENTS,  NEW  YORK 

1911 


COPYRIGHT  1911 

BY 

ROY  H.  PERRING 


NiPiv 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel 
Before  1870. 

Since  the  days  of  Tacitus  the  German  people  have  shown 
a  traditional  incapacity  for  united  action.  Political  unity  was 
for  them  a  "blue  flower"  which  for  centuries  deceived  them 
with  its  "delusive  presence"  and  its  "intoxicating  fragrance."  The 
humiliation  brought  upon  the  nation  by  the  destruction  of  the 
last  remnants  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  through  Napoleon  at 
the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  was  the  inevitable  result 
of  centuries  of  disunion.  The  outburst  of  patriotic  feeling  which 
came  with  the  War  for  Liberation  aroused  anew  the  desire  for 
unity.  Yet  for  almost  seven  decades  the  nation  dreamed  and 
fought  and  bled  for  it,  until  under  the  skilled  hand  of  the  Iron 
Chancellor  the  dream  of  centuries  was  realized,  and  to-day  the 
Germans,  a  united  nation,  hail  a  German  Emperor. 

The  slow  process  by  which  this  unity  was  finally  evolved  has 
already  received  adequate  treatment  in  our  historical  literature. 
The  documentary  evidences  have  received  their  best  treatment 
in  Sybel's  The  Founding  of  the  German  Empire,  in  Treitschke's 
Deutsche  Geschichte  im  19.  Jahrhundert,  in  Jastrow's  Ge- 
schichte  des  deutschen  Einheitstraumes  und  seine  Erfiillung,  and 
partial  treatment  in  the  uncompleted  work  of  Grotte  Geschichte 
der  deutschen  Einheitsbewegung  im  19.  Jahrhundert.  These  books 
touch  in  a  very  superficial  way  only  the  growth  of  the  idea 
of  German  unity  among  the  people  at  large,  in  their  literature 
and  philosophy.  Of  especial  value  in  this  respect  is  L'Allemagne 
depuis  Leibnitz.  Essai  sur  le  developpement  de  la  conscience  na- 
tionale  en  Allemagne,  by  L.  Levy-Bruhl.  The  treatment  is  of  a 
general  character  but  the  author  has  outlined  in  a  clear  and 
scholarly  manner  the  elements  in  the  life,  philosophy  and  literature 
of  the  German  people  that  prepared  the  way  for  German  patriot 
ism  and  eventually  German  unity  in  1871. 

The  following  paper  is  an  attempt  to  notice  in  a  somewhat 
more  detailed  way  the  treatment  given  German  unity  in  the 
novel  of  the  century  up  to  1870,  after  which  date  the  question 


247523 


2  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

ceased  to  interest  the  poet's  imagination.  The  treatment  is  not 
intended  to  be  exhaustive  as  only  those  novels  are  treated  which 
were  within  the  writer's  reach.  A  vast  amount  of  valuable  ma 
terial  is  contained  in  those  novels  of  the  century  which  have  long 
since  been  forgotten,  are  not  on  the  book  market,  and  are  not 
in  our  American  libraries.  Such  material  can  be  available  only 
after  a  careful  search  among  the  larger  and  older  circulating 
libraries  of  Germany.  The  task  of  collecting  such  material  will 
be  a  long  and  tiresome  one,  but  the  results  ought  to  form  an 
interesting  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  German  people  during 
the  nineteenth  century. 

To  the  lack  of  national  political  unity  is  due  in  large  measure 
the  absence  for  centuries  of  the  patriotic  element  in  German 
literature.  Not  until  Frederick  the  Great  began  his  struggle 
against  the  Austrian  paternal  government,  thus  taking  the  first 
step  against  the  old  order  of  things,  does  the  literature  begin  to 
reflect  an  interest  in  the  affairs  of  state.  This  newly  aroused 
interest  revealed  itself  in  a  certain  enthusiasm  for  a  vague  idea 
of  native  country,  in  dreams  rather  than  concrete  pictures,  in 
indistinct  desires  rather  than  definitely  planned  actions.  This  so- 
called  "Deutschtumelei"  found  literary  expression  in  the  Gottin- 
gen  circle  and  in  the  works  of  Klopstock  and  his  followers. 

This  patriotic  literature  however  lacked  an  adequate  founda 
tion.  The  nation  had  lost  touch  with  its  past,  and  it  was  but 
natural  that  the  awakened  feeling  should  assume  a  crude  and 
fantastic  form,  or  else  grow  into  a  vague  cosmopolitanism  which 
caused  the  Germans  to  lose  sight  of  the  rightful  position  of  their 
nation  in  the  future  history  of  Europe.  This  condition  of  affairs 
lasted,  with  a  few  exceptions,  until  the  later  Romanticists  had 
delved  deep  into  the  German  past,  had  caught  a  glimpse  of  the 
ancient  glory  of  the  nation,  an  appreciation  of  the  sublime  great 
ness  of  the  national  heroes  and  so  laid  the  foundation  for  all 
patriotic  literature.  The  disgrace  of  1806  put  an  end  in  great 
measure  to  cosmopolitanism  and  caused  the  people  to  centre  then 
thoughts  upon  their  own  national  life  and  duties,  while  the  ancient 
splendor  and  apparent  unity  of  the  race  became  an  ideal  for 
which  thev  could  strive. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  3 

But  before  this  rude  awakening  there  were  a  few  poets 
who,  with  a  vision  more  keen  than  the  others,  had  seen  the 
drift  of  affairs,  had  lifted  their  warning  voices  and  pleaded  for 
political  unity.  Herder,  for  example,  who  had  not  hesitated  to 
ridicule  Klopstock's  vague  sentimental  ideas  of  native  country, 
sounded  a  warning  note  and  a  plea  for  unity  in  his  odes  "To  the 
Emperor,"  "To  Ambition,"  and  "To  Germania."  The  early- ex 
periences  of  Schiller  had  not  been  such  as  to  engender  in  him  a 
deep  love  of  country,  yet  he  too  gradually  freed  himself  from  his 
cosmopolitan  tendencies,  so  that  to-day  the  Germans,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  accept  his  later  works  as  coming  from  a  truly 
patriotic  heart.  His  ardent  plea  for  unity  through  the  dying 
Attinghausen, 

"Seid  einig einig einig" 

stamped  him  in  the  popular  mind  of  the  nineteenth  century  as  a 
patriot    who  saw  the  need  of  political  unity. 

The  novel  had  not  responded  to  any  sort  of  patriotic  senti 
ment.     The  "Staatsroman"  had  found  writers  and  readers  ever 
since  Opitz  had  set  the  fashion  by  translating  Barclay's  Argenis 
(1621).     Political  and  social  conditions  were  reflected  to  some 
extent  in  the  works  of  Grimmelshausen,   Christian  Weise,  the 
Robinsonaden,  and  the  various  Utopian  novels,  but  a  true  German 
patriotic  tendency  was  entirely  lacking.     During  the  second  half 
of  the  eighteenth  century  the  writers  of  romance  chose  as  a  rule 
themes  in  which  patriotism  and  political  questions  had  no  place. 
The  novels  of  Goethe,  Jean  Paul,  and  the  radical  Romanticists, 
with  the  exception  of  Tieck  in  his  later  works,  treated  with  full 
ness  of  detail  the  inner  life  of  the  individual  and  occasionally  the 
relation  of  the  individual  to  the  social  body,  but  they  did  not 
trouble  themselves  about  the  life  of  the  individual  in  its  relation 
to  the  state  or  public  affairs.     And  so  it  was  that  the  novel  at 
the  beginning  of  the  century  was  of  such  a  nature  that  it  was 
not  and  could  not  be  the  bearer  of  any  serious  patriotic  message. 
The  character  of  the  novel  changed  but  little  during  the  first 
fifteen  years  of  the  new  century.     During  this  time  there  was  not 
produced  a  single  patriotic  novel  worthy  of  the  name,  and  very 
few  that  in  any  way  touched  on  political  questions.     The  new 


4  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

questions  of  civic  duty  which  had  been  forced  upon  the  attention 
of  the  people  by  the  victories  of  Napoleon  were  too  new  for  any 
such  treatment  as  would  be  required  in  the  novel.  It  was  rather 
a  period  devoted  to  the  agitators,  who,  like  Fichte,  Arndt,  Jahn 
and  others  sought  to  put  new  ideals  and  new  hopes  into  the 
downcast  German  spirit,  or  to  the  dramaticists,  who,  like  Kleist, 
put  their  ideal  patriot  on  the  stage,  or  finally  to  the  singers  who 
like  Arndt,  Korner,  Schenkendorf  and  others  tried  to  express 
their  vague  ideas  of  patriotism  and  political  unity  in  lyric  verse  in 
an  effort  to  fire  the  sluggish  spirits  into  some  semblance  of  life. 

The  second  decade  saw  German  arms  triumph  over  French 
tyranny  and  part  of  the  German  soil  freed  from  the  hated 
enemy.  The  call  to  arms  against  the  common  enemy  had  filled 
the  people  with  a  renewed  sense  of  their  unity  and,  after  the 
glorious  conclusion  of  the  war,  everyone  looked  forward  to  a 
speedy  realization  of  the  dream.  As  early  as  1812  Stein  had 
sketched  a  plan  for  the  reunion  of  the  scattered  parts  of  the 
former  German  empire,  and  both  Arndt  and  Gorres  had  given 
public  expression  to  the  same  idea.  But  all  remained  without 
result.  Then  followed  at  once  the  period  of  gloomy  reaction, 
replete  with  deceived  hopes  for  the  patriots  who  had  risked  their 
lifeblood  on  the  battle  field,  and  marked  by  almost  unexampled 
political  procrastination  on  the  part  of  the  leaders.  In  the  hands 
of  great  and  unselfish  statesmen  it  seems  that  the  dream  of  na 
tional  unity  might  have  been  realized  in  fact.  However  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  left  only  a  federation  of  states  as  disjointed 
and  weak  as  the  old  empire,  bound  together  by  no  firm  tie  and 
regarded  with  contempt  by  their  more  powerful  neighbors.  Royal 
promises  were  forgotten  and  the  few  bold  spirits  who  ventured  to 
demand  their  fulfillment  were  suppressed. 

Deceived  in  their  hopes  and  excluded  from  participation  in 
the  life  of  the  state,  a  large  part  of  the  people  dropped  back  into 
indifference  or  squandered  their  thoughts  on  a  fanciful  cosmo 
politanism.  Others  inspired  by  an  interest  in  political  liberty 
rather  than  in  German  unity,  an  interest  caused  by  the  growing 
hatred  of  the  two  absolutist  powers,  Austria  and  Prussia,  trans- 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  5 

ferred  their  enthusiasm  and  sympathy  to  the  nations  that  were 
defending  their  liberty,  such  as  Greece,  Poland  or  even  France. 
The  truly  patriotic  German  spirit  however  found  a  refuge  and 
expression  in  the  affiliated  student  unions  or  "Burschenschaften" 
which  were  made  up  for  the  most  part  of  the  young  men  who 
had  fought  in  the  war  for  independence.  In  their  enthusiasm 
they  were  prone  to  excesses,  and  in  their  ideal  dreams  they  were 
fanciful,  but  to  them  Germany  owes  a  debt  of  gratitude  for  pre 
serving  in  those  gloomy  decades  the  spirit  which  in  the  end  was 
to  aid  so  much  in  the  achievement  of  unity.  Their  public  life 
was  short.  Organized  June  12,  1815,  the  innocent  Wartburg 
festival  and  the  insane  act  of  Sand  brought  the  order  to  disband 
and  prepared  persecution  and  imprisonment  for  the  members  in 
the  years  to  come. 

The  popularity  of  the  martial  lyrics  also  served  to  keep  alive 
the  patriotic  sentiment.  The  poets  and  singers  during  the  years 
of  the  war  were  filled  with  an  ardent  patriotism  which  not  only 
gave  expression  to  a  righteous  anger  against  the  oppressors  but 
also  deplored  the  destroyed  majesty  of  the  German  realm,  and 
looked  hopefully  forward  to  a  united  kingdom.  They  urged  all 
who  spoke  the  German  tongue  to  offer  their  lifeblood  for  the 
freedom  and  independence  of  the  fatherland.  Arndt,  Korner, 
Schenkendorf,  Riickert  and  Uhland  sang  of  liberty  and  unity, 
cheered  the  soldiers  on  to  victory,  and  encouraged  the  downcast 
spirits  during  the  gloomy  days  of  reaction.  They  themselves 
perhaps  did  not  realize  the  significance  of  their  song,  their  plans 
for  the  proposed  unity  were  vague  and  often  impossible,  yet  for 
sincerity  of  purpose  and  patriotic  enthusiasm  their  lyrics  stand 
unsurpassed  in  German  patriotic  literature. 

These  two  decades  show  little  progress  in  the  building  up  of 
a  healthy  patriotic  novel,  but  they  were  decades  of  vast  signi 
ficance  for  the  future  patriotic  literature.  The  historical  novel 
as  we  now  know  it  was  up  to  1815  almost  unknown.  There 
was  no  foundation  for  it  either  in  content  or  form.  The  first 
three  decades  of  the  century  produced  these  two  important  ele 
ments  and  so  prepared  the  way  for  the  patriotic  novel  of  the 
remainder  of  the  century. 


6  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

Ever  since  the  days  of  Bodmer  there  had  been  a  growing 
interest  in  the  literary  achievements  of  the  past  ages,  and  through 
Herder,  Goethe,  and  Schiller  this  interest  had  been  extended  to 
the  life  and  personalities  of  the  peoples  of  the  past.  This  move 
ment  reached  its  height  during  the  early  decades  of  the  new 
century;  the  literary  interest,  in  the  works  of  Arnim  and 
Brentano,  Schlegel,  the  brothers  Grimm  and  other  linguistic  in 
vestigators;  the  social  and  political  interest,  in  the  novels  of  the 
Romanticists  and  in  the  novels  of  chivalry.  The  people  again 
became  acquainted  with  the  past  of  their  nation  and  this  interest 
led  to  renewed  investigation  and  study.  And  so  it  came  about 
that  a  vast  amount  of  material  was  brought  to  light  for  the  use 
of  the  future  historical  and  patrotic  novel  writer. 

Now  that  the  subject  matter  was  provided,  the  form  and 
style  became  the  prime  requisite.  The  old  type  of  novel  was  in 
no  way  suitable  as  a  mould  for  this  new  subject  matter.  Fortu 
nately,  at  this  time  the  works  of  the  great  Scotchman  were  in 
troduced  into  Germany  and  found  ready  acceptance.  Scott  is 
with  justice  called  the  father  of  the  national  novel  along  historical 
lines  in  German  literature.  Although  imitation  began  at  once 
the  full  fruit  of  the  movement  was  to  come  to  fruition  only  in 
the  next  generation.  The  early  imitators  such  as  Hauff  and  the 
early  efforts  of  Alexis  do  not  yet  show  an  appreciation  of  the  real 
significance  of  the  Scotchman's  style.  The  movement  was 
checked  for  a  time  by  the  Young  German  revolution,  and  it  was 
not  until  near  the  end  of  the  fourth  decade  that  the  novel  after 
the  model  of  Scott  began  a  new  development  that  was  to  lead  to 
the  great  works  of  Alexis,  Scheffel  and  Freytag,  the  best  the 
century  has  to  offer. 

At  this  time  too  the  peasant  novel  was  just  beginning  to  show 
the  world  the  beauty  and  vigor  of  the  German  peasant  life.  This 
type  of  novel  however  was  essentially  provincial  in  contents  and 
was  not  then  and  never  was  the  bearer  of  a  national  or  patriotic 
message. 

During  these  two  decades  then  we  must  look  chiefly  to  the 
Romantic  novelists  for  whatever  patriotic  tendency  found  ex 
pression. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  "/ 

It  is  a  well  recognized  paradox  that  although  the  Germans 
first  became  acquainted  through  the  Romanticists  with  their  his 
torical  past  and  thus  laid  a  solid  foundation  for  future 
political  hopes  and  ideals,  these  Romanticists  were  by  nature  not 
in  sympathy  with  political  affairs.  They  looked  upon  political 
agitation  as  meaning  sure  death  to  true  poetry,  as  leading  away 
from  the  fullness  of  inner  life  which  was  in  their  opinion  neces 
sary  to  true  poetry.  The  momentous  events  of  the  day  however 
could  not  be  disregarded  and  gradually  the  school  was  forced  more 
and  more  out  of  the  ideal  world  and  began  to  take  an  interest  in 
the  political  life  about  them. 

The  position  taken  by  the  Romanticists  toward  national  ques 
tions  in  general  and  political  unity  in  particular  grew  out  of  three 
chief  characteristics  of  the  school;  their  admiration  for  and  belief 
in  the  ego;  their  deep  love  for  mediaeval  German  life  and  in 
stitutions  ;  their  deeply  religious  sense  which  could  not  separate 
the  state  from  the  church. 

The  school  inherited  from  the  previous  century  an  intense 
admiration  of  the  individual,  his  freedom,  his  power,  his  self- 
sufficiency  and  his  right  to  mould  his  surroundings  to  suit  his 
own  inherent  requirements.  This  view  had  grown  up  gradually 
through  the  activity  of  Lessing,  Herder,  Goethe  and  Schiller,  and 
had  received  concrete  expression  in  the  philosophy  of  Fichte. 
When  applied  to  the  political  situation,  especially  to  German  unity, 
the  province,  or  the  division  of  the  race  within  certain  boundaries, 
took  the  place  of  the  individual,  and  just  as  there  was  an  indi 
vidual  dissimilarity,  so  there  was  a  provincial  dissimilarity  which 
must  under  no  circumstances  be  destroyed.  As  formulated  by 
Gorres,  each  province  had  its  own  inherent  character  which  was 
as  indestructible  as  the  inherent  character  of  the  individual.  It 
was  natural  then  that  the  Romanticists  could  not  be  in  favor  of 
any  centralized  state  that  suppressed  one  state  in  favor  of  some 
other  dominating  state  and  so  threaten  to  destroy  racial  or  pro 
vincial  pecularities. 

This  idea  was  the  first  to  suffer  attack  and  destruction.  The 
demand  made  upon  the  individual  and  the  petty  state  that  in 
dividual  freedom  should  be  sacrificed  for  the  sake  of  adding  to  the 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before 

power  of  the  whole  was  soon  recognized.  In  the  succeeding 
decades  this  conviction  won  its  way  over  all  obstacles.  It  found 
its  best  literary  expression  in  Spielhagen's  In  Reih  und  Glied,  and 
its  political  expression  in  the  work  of  Bismarck. 

The  only  sort  of  state  which  would  not  destroy  the 
peculiarities  and  independence  of  the  individual  parts  was  a  con 
federation  of  states,  or  state's  union.  This  was  closely  associated 
with  the  second  characteristic  of  the  Romantic  School — the  love 
for  the  historic  institutions  of  the  middle  ages.  The  state  was  re 
garded  as  a  living  organism  with  limbs  which  to  a  certain  extent 
had  their  individual  life.  This  organism  had  its  roots  deep  in  the 
past  history  of  the  race,  and  the  only  safe  method  of  procedure 
was  a  revival  of  old  forms.  Among  these  old  forms,  the  old 
state's  union  of  the  middle  ages,  with  its  wealth  of  types,  its 
versatility,  its  individuality,  even  its  chaotic  confusion  appealed 
to  the  Romantic  mind  and  became  an  ideal. 

Hand  in  hand  with  this  idea  of  state's  union  went  the  third 
characteristic — the  close  relation  of  state  and  church.  Again  the 
middle  ages  with  the  close  union  of  church  and  state,  emperor 
and  pope  became  an  ideal.  The  church  was  looked  upon  as  the 
foundation  of  science,  art,  and  civic  life.  Many  like  Gorres  be 
lieved  that  the  church  was  the  only  power  capable  of  defending 
the  liberty  of  the  people  from  the  encroachments  of  absolutism. 
Hence  it  was  that  in  all  plans  for  future  unity  the  church  was 
at  least  to  be  coordinate  and  not  subordinate  to  the  state. 

These  characteristics  can  be  noticed  in  the  two  Romantic 
novels  of  this  period  that  in  any  way  approach  a  national 
patriotic  character,  touch  on  political  questions  and  incidentally 
treat  German  unity — Eichendorf's  Ahnung  und  Gegenwart 
(1815)  and  Arnim's  Die  Kronenwdchter  (1817).  The  former  is 
an  example  of  the  historical  novel  of  the  older  type,  the  latter 
begins  to  show  a  slight  Scottian  influence. 

In  a  letter  to  Foucque  (Feb.  3,  1814)  concerning  his  novel 
Eichendorf  confesses  that  great  events  have  followed  each  other 
in  such  rapid  succession,  everything  was  so  uncertain  and  without 
form  that  it  was  impossible  to  arrive  at  any  calm  conclusion. 
However  he  would  so  gladly  do  what  he  could  to  help  the  Ger- 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  9 

mans  become  a  nation.  With  this  confession  on  the  part  of  the 
author,  it  is  evident  that  he  could  not  understand  the  present 
and  that  his  estimate  of  the  future  would  be  vague  and  uncertain. 

The  inability  of  the  Romantic  mind  to  cope  with  the  trend 
of  affairs  is  seen  distinctly  enough  in  the  two  chief  characters, 
Leontin  and  Frederick.  Leontin  feels  deeply  the  depression  of 
the  times,  but  confesses  he  is  unable  to  do  anything  to  change 
conditions.1  He  falls  into  despair,  and  finally  sails  away  over 
the  sea  to  unknown  regions  of  future  activity. 

Frederick  arrives  in  a  large  city,  and  amidst  its  active  life 
he  believes  he  sees  conditions  in  their  true  light.2  The  great 
spectacle  of  metropolitan  life,  the  terrible  onward  rush  of  events, 
which  had  not  left  the  better  minds  unmoved,  suddenly  unites 
into  a  great  stream  all  his  powers  which  had  been  wont  to  play 
like  a  happy  fountain.  The  false,  cowardly  poets  who,  in  the  face 
of  a  momentous  future,  spend  their  time  in  idle  play  became  dis 
gusting  to  him.  His  volatile  superficial  love  changed  into  a  holy 
love  and  enthusiasm  for  a  definite  and  fixed  purpose.  Much  that 
in  the  past  had  caused  him  anxiety  was  now  forgotten.  He  became 
more  mature  and  independent  concerning  his  judgment  of  the 
world.  He  was  no  longer  satisfied  with  himself  and  his  own 
interests,  but  would  make  a  better  use  of  his  life.  When  he 
makes  the  attempt  however  he  finds  to  his  sorrow  that  there  is 
no  field  in  which  he  can  make  himself  useful.  With  infinite 
selfsacrifice  he  begins  a  feverish  study  of  the  state.  All  his  mind 
and  all  his  thoughts  are  centered  in  his  fatherland.  But  all  his 
interest  and  all  his  thinking  bring  nothing  to  light.  He  enters  the 
Tyrolese  war,  not  from  any  firm  conviction  concerning  the  prin 
ciples  involved,  but  chiefly  because  he  happens  to  be  there.  In 
the  end  he  knows  of  no  way  of  giving  Germany  her  unity,  honor 
and  freedom  except  through  the  church.3  Accordingly  he  enters 
a  convent  to  prepare  for  the  task. 

Quite  a  step  in  advance  can  be  noticed  in  the  style  of  Arnim's 
Kronenwachter.  Showing  the  hand  of  the  true  artist  and  poet, 

1  Ahnung  und  Gegenwart,  Dietz,  p.  176. 
'Ibid,  i74f. 
1  Ibid,  p. 


io  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

he  attempts  to  unroll  a  magnificent  picture  of  the  middle  ages 
with  its  wealth  of  figures  and  life,  at  the  same  time  keeping  in 
the  background  the  conditions  in  Germany  in  his  own  day.  Un 
fortunately  Arnim  was  not  able  to  carry  the  sound  common  sense 
of  his  everyday  life  into  his  work,  and  the  traditional  Romantic 
faults  are  found  everywhere;  frequent  digressions,  interpolated 
tales,  fantastic  and  impossible  episodes,  and  in  the  end  an  incom 
plete  fragment. 

The  splendor  of  the  ancient  realm  under  Barbarossa  had  be 
come  an  ideal  for  many  of  the  Romantic  minds,  and  soon  the 
longing  for  a  united  fatherland  associated  itself  with  the  myth  of 
the  Kyffhauser  mountains.  Here  guarded  by  ravens  the  patron 
saint  of  nationality  sat,  awaiting  the  time  when  he  should  come 
forth  and  establish  the  nation  in  all  its  old  time  glory.  Many 
echoes  of  this  myth  are  found  in  Arnim's  story.  He  depicts  the 
crown  as  guarded  by  a  secret  club.  The  members  are  hostile  to 
the  reigning  house  of  Hapsburg,  because  the  rulers  of  this  house 
have  proved  unworthy  of  the  task  assigned  them.  The  club  seeks 
to  rear  as  suitable  rulers  of  the  future  realm  the  Hohenstaufen 
heirs.  Accordingly  one  of  these  heirs  is  put  in  an  environment 
where  he  is  counseled  and  watched  over  by  the  mythical  Barba 
rossa.  Apparently  however  through  moral  guilt  these  heirs  prove 
themselves  unworthy  of  the  trust  placed  in  them.  They  die  and 
the  fragment  closes  without  having  the  crown  won  from  its 
strange  guards  in  a  glass  castle  in  the  middle  of  the  sea. 

How  did  Arnim  intend  that  the  crown  should  be  won  and 
Germany  united  ?  The  solution  of  the  question  so  far  as  it  can  be 
determined  by  the  ^cant  outline  left  by  Arnim  is  still  a  matter  of 
dispute.  Dohmke  4  believes  that  he  intended  to  let  the  crown 
be  divided  (the  old  curse  of  Germany).  When  the  parts  were 
again  united  it  was  to  be  a  new  dawn  for  a  new  Germany. 
Mielke  5  would  see  in  the  scant  outline  that  it  was  all  to  end  in 
an  allegory  which  was  intended  to  show  that  the  crown  of  Ger 
many  was  to  be  gained  only  in  a  spiritual  way;  Germany's 


*  Introduction  to  Cotta  edition. 

'Mielke.  Der  deutsche  Roman  im  19.  Jahrdt.,  p.  62. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  1 1 

power  purely  intellectual,  and  the  bearer  of  the  crown  an  alle 
gorical  puppet.  For  our  purpose  it  makes  little  difference  which 
is  correct.  Either  one  shows  that  Arnim  had  no  definite  solution 
and  so  carried  it  into  the  realm  of  dream  and  speculation.  How 
far  the  fact  that  he  had  no  definite  solution  encouraged  him  to 
leave  the  novel  unfinished  has  not  yet  been  shown. 

Isolated  references  to  unity  within  the  novel  are  just  as 
fragmentary  and  equally  uncertain. 

Amidst  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  castle  of  Barbarossa,  Bert- 
hold  falls  asleep.  The  old  king  appears  suddenly  before  him  and 
leads  him  into  a  magnificent  hall.  In  the  middle  of  the  hall  is  a 
coffin,  containing  three  crowned  figures.  As  Berthold  draws  near, 
all  suddenly  change  into  a  miniature  model  of  the  ancient  struc 
ture  which  he  is  to  build  up  again  and  in  which  he  is  to  reign 
successfully  and  happily  over  a  united  realm.  Afterwards  the 
ruins  are  about  to  be  sold  at  auction,  but  Berthold,  so  filled  with 
confidence  in  his  future  mission,  bids  beyond  his  slender  means 
for  its  possession.  In  his  hour  of  need  Barbarossa  again  appears 
before  him  in  a  dream  and  discloses  the  hiding  place  of  a  large 
treasure  which  enables  Berthold  to  redeem  his  promise  and  pay 
for  the  ruins.  Up  to  this  point  all  is  excellent  Romantic  symbol 
ism.  On  the  sight  of  the  ruins  he  builds,  according  to  the  plans 
Barbarossa  gives  him,  a  structure  and  then  it  becomes — a  cloth 
weaving  establishment.  Is  this  a  prophetic  glance  into  the  future 
commercial  Germany  and  the  unifying  power  of  commercial  in 
terests  or  is  it  Romantic  inconsistency? 

Arnim  however  was  dreaming  of  unity  even  though  he  may 
not  have  had  a  very  definite  idea  of  how  it  was  to  be  realized. 
Inherited  pride  and  hostility  are  to  him  the  chief  causes  of  dis 
union.6  Undue  pride  of  princely  power  causes  the  disunion  be 
tween  the  states,  and  at  the  same  time  causes  disunion  between  the 
princes  and  the  people.  No  race  is  to  vanish  from  the  earth  but 
peace  is  to  come  only  when  hostile  families  are  reconciled  and 
united.7  The  houses  of  Hohenstaufen  and  Hapsburg  however 
have  ever  been  hostile  to  each  other  and  no  unity  seems  possible 

*  Die  Kronenwachter,  p.  124. 
T  Ibid,  p.  33. 


12  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

between  them.8  Under  these  conditions  Arnim  like  Perthes,  Fries, 
and  other  Romantic  reactionists,  looks  for  unity  to  be  possible 
only  through  the  people,  the  great  middle  class,  and  not  through 
any  one  princely  house  taking  the  lead.9  In  this  struggle  no  sup 
port  was  to  be  expected  from  the  nobles,  because  they  consider 
only  their  own  selfish  interests  while  history  pointed  the  way  to 
a  nation  in  which  every  individual  should  subordinate  himself  for 
the  good  of  all.  Finally  when  the  movement  was  started  the 
church  was  to  go  hand  in  hand  with  the  state. 

With  the  exception  of  Ludwig  Tieck,  the  Romantic  novel 
ette  writers  show  in  their  works  little  or  no  tendency  to  draw  ma 
terial  from  their  contemporary  political  world.  He,  above  all  his 
contemporaries  in  the  Romantic  school,  has  a  fairly  clear  vision 
of  the  actual  political  conditions,  and  with  a  keen  insight  shows  at 
times  a  clear  understanding  of  the  trend  of  affairs.  He  does  not 
make  any  definite  political  propaganda,  but  here  and  there  one 
catches  sight  of  a  personality  interested  in  German  unity. 

Speaking  through  the  Colonel  in  Gesellschaft  auf  dein 
Lande  (1825)  he  recognizes  the  debt  which  Prussia  owes  to 
Frederick  the  Great  in  putting  the  German  realm  on  a  solid 
foundation,  so  that,  though  divided,  it  might  better  work  and 
flourish.10  At  the  same  time  he  sees  a  future  day  when  the 
German  states  will  become  a  united  realm  in  the  defense  of  their 
country  against  a  foreign  foe.  The  recent  war  had  aroused  this 
impression  in  the  minds  of  many,  but  it  was  not  until  the  popular 
enthusiasm  of  1870-71  that  it  was  to  be  realized. 

In  his  later  years  Tieck  seems  to  have  been  unable  to  adapt 
himself  to  the  times  and  to  understand  the  trend  of  affairs.  In 
Der  Wassermensch  (1835)  he  brands  the  wild  enthusiasm  and 
indefinite  plans  of  the  younger  generation  as  madness.11  The 
Privy  Counselor  is  here  the  bearer  of  Tieck's  message.  The 
young  men  who  had  fought  for  their  country  r^ad  expected  to 
see  their  dream  of  political  unity  realized  at  once;  they  had  dis- 


•  Ibid,  p.  248 
'Ibid,  p.  132. 

10  Gesellschaft  auf  dem  Lande,  p.  467. 

11  Der  Wassermensch,  p.  56. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  13 

regarded  wisdom,  politics  and  prudence,  and  had  not  taken  into 
consideration  the  forces  at  work,  or  the  means  at  their  command. 
The  result  had  been  the  formation  of  dangerous  clubs  and  in 
sane  demonstrations.  To  be  successful  it  was  necessary  that  they 
have  a  definite  goal,  that  they  should  not  shun  the  slow,  toilsome 
labor  necessary  to  reach  it.  He  deplores  the  fact  that  the  ideas 
of  Gorres,  Arndt,  Steffens  and  even  the  peculiar  Jahn  had  ceased 
to  find  sympathetic  acceptation  and  were  regarded  by  the  new  gene 
ration  as  antiquated  and  even  over  patriotic.  The  Privy  Counselor 
expects  to  see  the  dream  realized  under  a  true  German  king  who 
with  true  religious  consecration  should  protect  the  masses  from 
the  greedy  encroachment  of  the  nobles,  the  radical  plans  of  the 
demagogues,  and  the  inane  theories  of  the  mundane  philoso 
phers.12  Although  he  nowhere  in  his  story  mentions  it,  he  ex 
pects  this  German  king  to  come  from  the  house  of  the  Hohen- 
zollern. 

In  his  youth  William  Hauff  had  been  an  enthusiastic  mem 
ber  of  the  student  corps  and  a  few  of  his  patriotic  songs  were 
heard  at  the  Wartburg  Festival.  In  common  with  his  student 
friends  he  too  was  an  advocate  of  national  unity  and  like  them 
had  no  definite  plan  for  its  attainment.  In  Lichtenstein  (1826), 
the  first  serious  attempt  to  produce  a  historical  novel  after  the 
model  of  Scott,  he  scarcely  touches  that  matter  at  all.  The 
worthy  old  Lichtenstein  complains  to  the  Chancellor  that  he  is 
treating  the  land  like  a  piece  of  leather.13  "Any  fool  can  cut  it  to 
pieces,  but  who  in  the  wide  world  can  put  it  together  again." 

The  thought  of  national  unity  finds  a  larger  place  in  Hauff's 
Das  Bild  des  Kaisers  (1826).  Although  the  scene  of  it  is  laid  in 
Swabia  he  has  his  eye  on  Germany  as  a  whole,  and  accents  the 
idea  that  local  patriotism  and  pride  have  been  the  chief  causes 
of  disunion.  He  causes  his  hero,  the  Brandenburg  patriot  Albert, 
to  visit  Swabia,  and  so  portrays  the  clash  of  opinions  between  the 
North  and  the  South.  Hauff  shows  his  own  Swabian  patriotism 
by  endowing  his  countrymen  with  the  wider  view,  with  more 


"  Ibid,  p.  52. 

"  Lichtenstein,  Cotta  text,  p.  269. 


14  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

sympathetic  sentiments  and  with  more  national  and  patriotic 
feelings. 

Albert  is  accused  of  being  not  a  German  but  a  Prussian.  A 
stranger  cautions  him  14  not  to  show  it  while  in  the  thoroughly 
German  Swabia.  He  however  forgets  himself  and  praises  his 
Prussia  to  Baron  Tierberg.  The  old  gentleman  voices  his  opinion 
in  no  uncertain  tone.15  He  points  out  to  Albert  that  all  the  disaster 
and  suffering  which  had  come  upon  Germany  was  due  to  lack 
of  unity  and  to  too  much  local  patriotism.  "Oh,  Germany, 
Germany !  There  one  can  see  how  all  this  misery  has  come  from 
their  own  disunion.  We  were  no  longer  Greeks,  but  Corinthians, 
Athenians,  and  even  Spartans!"  And  then  to  Prussia:  "You, 
you  alone  are  to  blame.  You  would  have  long  ago  separated 
from  the  realm,  you  no  longer  had  a  heart  for  the  common 
good.  You  would  have  gladly  seen  us  broken  piece  by  piece, 
because  we  were  feared  so  long  as  we  were  united.  Do  you  not 
know  what  happened  in  Sparta  when  every  Greek  was  looked 
upon  as  a  foreigner  ?  A  curse  upon  this  century  of  selfishness  and 
disunion!  A  curse  upon  this  world  of  fools  who  call  selfishness 
and  ambition  greatness!" 

The  other  characters  claim  our  attention  as  typical  of  men 
of  that  day.  The  elder  Willi  is  one  of  those  who  lost  all  sense  of 
German  patriotism  in  blind  admiration  of  genius;  in  this  case 
the  genius  of  Napoleon.  He  will  hear  nothing  of  German  unity 
and  disparages  the  self-sacrifice  of  the  people  in  the  war  for 
liberation.  His  son  represents  the  demagogue  who  risked  his  life 
and  liberty  for  the  principles  he  believes  right,  although  he  has 
no  clear  conception  of  this  principles  and  does  not  realize  where 
they  will  lead  him  and  his  country.  After  a  brief  encounter 
with  the  police  he  loses  some  of  his  enthusiasm,  and  begins  to  see 
that  violent  measures  can  do  nothing. 

The  next  period  was  ushered  in  by  the  July  "Revolution  in 
France  and  closed  with  the  failure  of  the  civic  uprising  in  1848. 
The  intervening  years,  while  comparatively  free  from  momentous 

14  Ibid,  p.  ii 

15  Ibid,  p.  23. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  18/0  15 

political  events,  were  years  of  civic  unrest.  In  1848  national 
unity  seemed  no  nearer  its  realization  than  twenty  years  before, 
yet  real  progress  had  been  made.  The  Frankfurt  Parliament,  the 
seeming  failure  of  which  had  been  the  chief  cause  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  had  in  reality  prepared  the  way  for  Prussian  leadership  in 
states  union. 

Economic  conditions  in  Germany  made  vast  strides  during 
these  decades  and  in  turn  had  a  noticeable  effect  on  political 
affairs.  The  rapid  development  of  the  railroad  and  steamboat 
traffic,  coupled  with  a  desire  for  travel,  brought  the  German 
people  in  contact  with  each  other  and  they  began  to  realize  more 
and  more  the  unity  of  their  race.  The  relation  of  the  railroads 
and  unity  finds  a  characteristic  expression  in  the  song  of  Karl 
Beck  : 

"Diese  Schienen,  Hochzeitsbander, 

Trauungsringe,  blank  gegossen, 

Liebend  tauschen  sie  die  Lander 

Und  die  Ehe  wird  geschlossen.*' 

The  Customs  Union  of  Prussia  had  been  an  important  step 
towards  unification,  although  its  influence  was  not  felt  so  strongly 
at  the  time,  and  it  did  not  appeal  as  such  to  the  popular  mind. 
It  had  been  brought  about  through  a  mutual  agreement  with  the 
neighboring  states  and  soon  included  all  the  non-Austrian  states. 
The  financial  and  commercial  advantage  of  the  Union  soon 
recommended  it  to  all  and  soon  states  nominally  under  the  leader 
ship  of  Austria  applied  for  admission  and  were  accepted,  and  thus 
entered  into  a  commercial  union  with  Prussia.  While  every 
notion  of  political  union  was  carefully  avoided,  the  whole  move 
ment  could  only  serve  to  strengthen  the  desire  for  political  cen 
tralization. 

During  the  preceding  decade  the  idea  of  German  unity  had 
ceased  to  interest  the  masses  and  national  feeling  existed  only 
in  the  hearts  of  a  few  patriots.  Civic  discontent  existed  every 
where  but  was  held  in  check  by  the  strong  hand  of  the  Metternich 
police.  The  news  of  the  July  Revolution  in  Paris  came  like  the 
bright  sunshine  into  the  gloomy  days  of  reaction.  A  new  spring 
time  seemed  to  be  at  hand  in  the  political  and  intellectual  life  of 


i6 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 


the  people.  Many  states  demanded  constitutional  privileges,  and, 
amidst  the  terror  which  seized  the  petty  courts,  received  or 
forced  their  demands.  Prussia  and  Austria  were  able  to  suppress 
the  masses  and  no  widespread  outbreak  occurred  in  these  states. 
Gradually  however  the  old  police  state  was  again  everywhere 
master  of  the  situation,  and  the  rights  and  freedom  gained  were 
declared  null  and  void.  In  spite  of  its  failure  however  a  new 
spirit  had  been  developed.  Public  interest  had  again  been 
aroused  in  political  and  social  affairs,  and  soon  there  was  de 
veloped  a  well  defined  public  opinion  on  civic  matters  and  with  it 
public  life  entered  into  a  new  period  of  growth. 

The  vague  dreams  of  political  unity  that  had  been  current 
during  the  previous  decades  now  gave  way  to  a  serious  consider 
ation  of  the  problem.  It  was  no  longer  a  superficial  enthusiasm 
without  positive  ideas  or  plans.  Much  that  was  proposed  may 
not  have  been  practicable,  but  it  was  an  eloquent  indication  of 
the  attempts  to  deal  with  the  problem  in  a  serious  way.  It  is 
astonishing  how  much  practical  political  wisdom  and  insight 
came  rapidly  to  the  front  to  solve,  through  peaceful  means,  the 
problem  before  the  nation.  The  conflicting  views  and  purposes 
of  the  numerous  leaders  and  parties  have  become  a  matter  of  his 
tory.  Public  opinion  gave  its  approval  and  support  to  the  ideas 
of  Gagern,  Pfitzer,  Miinch,  and  Gutzkow,  who  sought  to  bring 
about  states  union  under  the  leadership  of  Prussia,  through  a 
mutual  understanding  and  without  doing  violence  to  the  govern 
ment  of  the  individual  states.  This  activity  brought  no  immediate 
fruit,  except  persecution  for  the  authors,  but  it  did  show  the 
people  the  real  difficulties  to  be  overcome  and  put  an  end  largely 
to  the  vague  and  often  inane  dreams  of  the  preceding  decades. 

The  Romantic  literature  of  these  .decades  had,  as  we  have 
seen,  not  reflected  to  any  great  extent  existing  political  and 
social  conditions.  The  new  spirit  however  now  demanded  that 
all  phases  of  modern  life  should  find  an  expression  in  the  litera 
ture  of  the  day.  The  program  of  Young  Germany  proclaimed 
that  literature  should  again  be  united  with  life  and  the  idea  with 
the  world.  As  it  became  more  and  more  evident  that  the  govern 
ments  would  not  allow  any  active  participation  in  state  affairs,  the 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  17 

political  movement  turned  to  literature,  and  literature  became  the 
field  in  which  not  only  social  and  ecclesiastic  warfare  but  also 
political  propaganda  was  waged.  Gutzkow,  Borne  and  Laube  all 
believed  that  literature  should  be  the  organ  for  disseminating  the 
new  ideas,  the  representative  of  the  nation's  interests,  and  a 
means  of  educating  the  people  for  the  enjoyment  of  future  civic 
privileges  in  a  free  and  united  fatherland. 

The  governments  soon  recognized  the  danger  of  the  new 
spirit  and  sought  to  curb  it  through  edicts  and  more  stringent 
press  laws.  The  ruthless  persecution  dampened  the  ardor  of 
many  and  they  gave  up  political  agitation  for  the  less  dangerous 
one  of  social  and  church  affairs.  Still  others  followed  the  model 
of  Borne  and  were  soon  skilled  in  the  smuggling  in  of  political 
ideas  under  the  guise  of  literary  and  aesthetic  criticism. 

The  novel  was  granted  a  much  higher  rank  than  had  been 
granted  it  during  the  former  period,  due  in  large  measure  to  the 
firm  belief  on  the  part  of  the  Young  Germans  in  the  superiority 
of  prose.  In  this  phase  of  literature  two  models  now  incited  to 
imitation  and  development,  Walter  Scott  and  Goethe,  resulting 
in  three  types  of  novel,  the  historical  novel,  the  historical-tendenz 
novel,  and  the  "Zeitroman." 

During  the  previous  decades  Hauff  had  attempted  to  imitate 
Scott,  but  he  had  not  discovered  the  true  secret  of  the  Scotch 
man's  success  or  its  ultimate  lesson  for  the  German  novel.  The 
disunion  of  Germany  was  in  itself  a  hindrance  to  a  successful 
national  novel  of  this  type.  It  was  not  until  Prussia  became  more 
and  more  the  hope  of  Germany  in  future  unity  that  an  Alexis 
perceived  in  this  state  the  unit  type  of  democratic  government, 
and  the  story  of  Prussian  growth  as  typical  of  German  history. 
Thus  only  could  the  approach  be  made  to  the  conditions  necessary 
for  a  historical  novel  of  the  Scott  type  and  a  model  set  which  was 
only  surpassed  by  a  Freytag  who,  after  the  nation  had  become 
united,  could  write  for  Germany  what  Alexis  had  written  for 
Brandenburg. 

The  tendency  to  introduce  modern  life  with  its  manifold 
problems  into  literature  had  been  evident  to  a  certain  extent  dur 
ing  the  previous  period.  The  novels  of  Goethe  had  brought 


i8  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

society,  its  problems  and  its  environments  into  literature.  Tieck 
and  others  had  followed  him  to  some  extent.  These  novels  how 
ever  treated  only  those  problems  that  seemed  to  the  authors  to  be 
of  a  poetic  nature,  and  so  excluded  a  number  of  the  phases  of 
public  life.  The  new  spirit  of  the  third  decade,  while  accepting 
this,  made  the  additional  demand  that  every  phase  of  life  should 
be  considered.  With  the  introduction  into  the  novel  of  questions 
concerning  political,  church  and  social  affairs  the  "Zeitroman" 
had  its  beginnings.  It  was  so  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  purpose 
of  disseminating  the  many  problems  of  the  day  that  it  soon  be 
came  the  foremost  type  of  novel.  Developed  by  Immermann, 
Gutzkow  and  Laube,  it  became  realistic  under  Auerbach  and 
Spielhagen  and  reached  its  highest  success. 

With  justice  Schenkendorf  has  been  called  "Der  Kaiser- 
lierold,"  the  herald  of  the  old  emperor  of  the  old  empire,  and 
with  equal  justice  Alexis  deserves  the  title  of  "Der  Herold  des 
Neuen  Kaisers,"  the  herald  of  the  new  emperor  of  the  new 
empire.  He  had  fought  for  his  country,  a  copy  of  the 
Niebelungen  Lay  in  his  pocket,  had  formed  a  "Hermannbund" 
among  his  fellow  soldiers  and  had  been  a  close  student  of  Fichte, 
Arndt  and  Korner.  After  the  war  he  laid  aside  his  sword  and 
took  up  the  pen  to  work  for  the  cause  of  his  country  and  his 
emperor.  As  a  reward  he  was  treated  with  indifference  by  his 
contemporaries  and  received  that  seemingly  unjust  and  uncalled 
for  reprimand  from  the  emperor  he  had  tried  to  serve.  Perhaps 
no  writer  of  the  century  tried  more  earnestly  to  help  Prussia  in 
the  struggle  for  leadership  in  Germany,  and  no  writer  received 
so  sorry  a  reward  from  people  and  prince.  Blind  physically  and 
mentally,  an  ironical  fate  willed  it  that  the  broken  body  should 
live  on  until  the  German  unity  under  Prussia  for  which  he  had 
struggled  had  been  attained  in  1871,  but  unfortunately  the  mind 
could  no  longer  comprehend  it.  The  spirit  which  animated 
Alexis  in  the  years  of  struggle  and  disappointment  is  nowhere 
better  expressed  than  in  the  words  he  has  given  Stephan  in 
Cabanis: 16  "There  is  nothing  higher  than  one's  country.  True 


"Weichert  edition,  TIT,  p.  356. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  19 

to  it  to  my  last  breath  whether  the  reward  be  thanks  or  scorn; 
true  to  it  as  long  as  I  can  lift  my  arm,  or  move  my  tongue;  ever 
striving,  whether  at  the  front  or  in  some  distant  obscure  nook- 
only  thus  can  I  prove  myself  worthy."  The  proper  recognition 
of  his  activity  dawned  gradually  only  on  the  German  people,  and 
not  until  the  occasion  of  the  hundredth  anniversary  of  his  birth 
do  they  set  to  him  in  their  critical  literature  a  monument  worthy 
of  his  activity. 

The  general  trend  of  his  political  opinions  changed  but  little 
during  the  years  of  his  activity.  To  this  fact  is  due  in  large 
measure  the  weakness  of  his  later  novels.  In  Mein  politisches 
Bekentniss  (1833)  17  he  confesses  himself  a  Royalist  in  favor 
of  hereditary  monarchy.  In  this  he  saw  the  surest  guarantee  of 
prosperity,  equality  and  freedom.  This  monarchy  was  not  how 
ever  to  be  a  mere  apparent  monarchy,  not  a  mere  hereditary 
presidency,  but  endowed  with  the  necessary  power  and  prestige 
to  accomplish  the  task  before  it.  Under  the  present  condition  of 
society  he  regarded  a  real  republic  as  impossible  and  entirely 
unworthy  of  consideration  for  Germany.  He  likewise  considered 
the  sovereignty  of  the  people  as  an  idle  fancy,  as  it  must  always 
lack  unity  of  purpose.  An  absolute  monarchy  in  which  the  whims 
of  the  ruler  were  the  highest  laws  could  exist  just  as  little  as  a 
real  republic.  Whether  this  monarchy  should  be  constitutional 
or  not  should  depend  on  the  ablility  of  the  people  and  whether  it 
could  be  introduced  naturally.  He  deplores  the  lack  of  unity 
between  North  and  South.  The  sectional  strife  seems  to  him 
to  have  developed  through  ignorance  or  envy,  and  to  have  been 
fanned  into  flame  by  a  continually  perverse  interpretation  of  the 
good  intentions  of  the  North.  This  spirit  if  it  continued  to  grow 
threatened  to  become  far  more  dangerous  to  ideal  unity  than  any 
political  dismemberment. 

In  his  earlier  short  stories,  Das  Haus  Dusterweg  and  Herr 
i'on  Sacken,  Alexis  pays  homage  to  the  spirit  that  animated 
Young  Germany.  The  first  has  been  justly  named  by  Tschirch  18 
a  political  and  personal  confession  of  the  poet.  He  there  con- 

"  Published  in  Wiener  Bilder,  p.  426. 
"  Brandenburg-Preuss.  Gesch.  XIII,  526. 


20  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

demns  the  vain  and  useless  efforts  of  the  young  enthusiasts  to 
gain  their  political  purposes  through  violence.19  And  yet  he  can 
only  deplore  the  ruthless  persecution  of  these  young  spirits  by  the 
state.  Though  their  plans  were  visionary  and  their  desires  often 
revolutionary  the  state  was  in  no  danger  from  them.  If  persecu 
tion  had  not  made  martyrs  of  them,  popular  ridicule  would  have 
soon  brought  them  to  reason. 

For  the  attainment  of  unity  he  advocates  the  sacrifice  of 
individual  interests  for  the  good  of  all.  Old  quarrels  should  be 
forgotten  and  all  strive  together  in  harmony.  He  gives  this  idea 
symbolic  expression  in  Prince  Guides  dream  of  the  quarrel  be 
tween  the  giants  and  the  dwarfs.20.  The  decrepit  old  graybeard 
voices  his  appeal  to  the  assembled  company:  "We  are  not  as 
sembled  here  to  awaken  anew  the  old  quarrels  that  brought  us 
servitude.  It  came  upon  us  because  there  was  no  one  who  would 
sacrifice  his  own  interests.  Have  we  not  already  paid  dearly  for 
our  sin?  Let  us  bury  the  memory  of  old  quarrels  in  the  empty 
graves  from  which  avarice  threw  the  bones  of  our  fathers. 
Cursed  be  he  who  asks,  was  your  father  a  dwarf  or  a  giant !  In 
stead  let  there  be  this  quality  among  us,  that  we  hate  our  op 
pressors  and  desire  one  and  all  to  become  a  united  people." 

In  the  second  novelette  much  the  same  spirit  prevails.  Here 
he  especially  cautions  the  nation  that  whatever  is  done  must  be 
done  through  their  own  might  and  their  own  perseverance.  Suc 
cess  through  foreign  help  is  worse  than  servitude.21  "We  are  a 
chain  of  interwoven  links  and  we  desire  none  of  foreign  make. 
What  is  then  our  fatherland?  Is  it  perhaps  that  strip  of  land 
which  our  good  sword-girt  fathers  gained  on  desert  strand,  a 
strand  separated  from  the  cradle  of  our  ancestors  by  all  hinder 
ing  seas,  mountains  and  woods?  No!  and  again  No!  The 
remembrance  of  our  origin,  that  is  for  us  our  country.  Through 
that  only  can  we  hold  closely  and  proudly  to  one  another  in  pure 
blood  and  pure  language.  Through  this  Shiboleth  we  protect 
ourselves  against  the  lot  that  has  befallen  so  many  nations, 

"Hans  Dusterweg,  pp.   119,   147,   176. 

30  Ibid,  III,  p.  153- 

31 H err  von  Sacken,  Novellenschatz,  p.  116. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  i8jo  21 

against  dissolution,  incorporation  and  subjugation  by  barbarians. 
We  no  longer  bear  coats  of  mail,  but  let  this  thought  be  the 
anointing  oil  on  which  the  foreign  elements,  that  would  touch  us, 
may  glide  off  and  do  us  no  harm." 

The  merits  and  faults  of  Alexis'  great  series  of  Branden 
burg  stories  have  received  complete  treatment  in  our  critical  lit 
erature  and  do  not  need  to  be  noticed  here.  Scott  had  set  in  his 
novels  a  monument  to  the  heroes  of  his  native  country.  As 
Alexis  looked  into  the  past  of  his  country,  Brandenburg,  he  saw 
a  vigorous  people  whose  lives  told  an  eloquent  story  of  struggle 
for  existence,  freedom  and  civic  growth.  Then  with  warm  patri 
otic  heart  he  unrolled  in  his  novels  a  "poetic  biography  of  Bran 
denburg."  But  it  is  not  only  Prussia-Brandenburg  he  had  in 
view.  In  Der  Falsche  Woldeinar  we  read  his  purpose  :22  "Be 
cause  I  tell  you  Brandenburg  stories,  some  of  you  may  exclaim, 
'Why  should  you  bother  about  the  German  eagle!  Let  it  fly,  you 
say,  and  stick  to  your  country.'  But,  I  cannot.  For  Brandenburg 
was,  methinks,  but  a  member  of  the  great  German  body,  and, 
so  God  wills,  shall  ever  remain  so.  What  disrupts  Germany,  dis 
rupts  it.  What  lifts  Germany,  shall  also  lift  it.  I  tell  you  Bran 
denburg  stories,  but  methinks  they  are  German  stories.  For  the 
trials  of  Brandenburg  were  the  trials  of  the  German  empire, 
rent  its  heart  and  sucked  its  lifeblood.  In  those  days  disloyalty 
and  deception  began  and  the  cunning  art  of  double-tongued 
speech.  Honeyed  words  glossed  over  a  bad  business  that  the 
countries  might  be  deceived,  and  the  deeds  of  the  great  reacted 
upon  the  small.  And  so,  dear  reader,  I  lead  you  from  the  Mark 
out  into  the  realm,  for  the  little  play  here  became  there  a  mo 
mentous  struggle." 

He  began  the  series  with  Cabanis  in  1832.  The  Young  Ger 
man  agitation,  however,  caused  the  novel  to  pass  almost  unno 
ticed.  After  joining  the  movement  for  a  while  in  his  short 
stories,  Alexis  again  returned  to  the  series  in  Der  Roland  von 
Berlin  in  1840.  The  remainder  of  the  series  then  appeared  in 
rapid  succession:  Der  Falsche  Woldemar  in  1842,  Die  Hosen 


'Der  Falsche  Woldemar  II,  212. 


?2  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before 

des  Herrn  von  Bredow  in  1846,  and  its  sequel  Der  Werwolf  in 
1848;  Ruhe  ist  die  erste  Burgerpflicht  in  1852;  Isigrimm  in 
1854,  and  Dorothee  in  1856. 

The  statement  made  by  various  critics,  among  them 
Mielke,23  that  Alexis  has  few  references  to  the  problems  of  his 
day,  except  in  Isigrimm,  is  certainly  not  true  as  regards  German 
unity.  Though  giving  us  pictures  from  the  past  history  of  Prus 
sia,  he  continually  had  his  eye  on  the  present  condition  and  fu 
ture  promise  of  that  state.  He  shows  how  a  vigorous  people 
had  changed  a  sandy  desert  into  a  prosperous  and  well-governed 
state,  and  how  these  same  forces  must  give  that  state  a  leading 
part  in  the  future  states  union.  At  the  same  time  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  point  out  the  mistakes  which  the  house  of  the  Hohen- 
zollern  had  made  in  the  past,  and  the  faults  which  were  still  their 
inheritance.  This  is  done  to  such  a  marked  degree  that  one  may 
well  believe  that  the  seemingly  unwarranted  reprimand  of  Fred 
erick  William  was  caused  by  more  than  a  passing  vexation  at 
Alexis  for  condemning  the  king's  refusal  of  the  crown  offered 
him  by  the  Frankfurt  Assembly. 

It  is  a  noticeable  fact  that  the  periods  which  Alexis  has 
chosen  as  a  background  for  the  activity  of  the  Brandenburg 
patriots  and  people  are  in  themselves  characteristic  periods  in  the 
growth  of  centralized  government. 

First  in  the  chronicle  of  Brandenburg  comes  the  Der  Fal- 
sche  Woldemar,  depicting  the  struggle  of  his  country  during  the 
first  half  of  the  fourteenth  century.  At  the  death  of  the  real 
Woldemar  the  well-governed  realm  had  fallen  back  into  desola 
tion,  hopeless  disorder  and  abject  fear.  Like  the  mythical  Bar- 
barossa,  the  old  Woldemar  apparently  comes  to  life  again,  brings 
splendor  and  unity  to  the  state  and  freedom  to  the  people  from 
oppression  within  and  without.  Only  when  he  loses  confidence 
in  himself  and  his  work  does  he  find  himself  forced  to  confess 
the  deception.  "Thus  Alexis  made  it  appear  that  even  in  the 
earliest  days  of  autocratic  rule  popular  instincts  coupled  the 
right  to  rule  with  a  duty  to  the  people  and  that  it  preferred  a 


*  Mielke,  Der  Deutsche  Roman,  y.  166. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  23 

technically  illegitimate  rule  which  recognized  this  rule  to  a  reign 
punctilious  in  its  claims  to  legitimacy,  but  unscrupulous  in  its 
disregard  of  its  duty  to  the  people."24 

The  opening  chapters  show  how  the  people  of  the  Mark  had 
struggled  with  the  sands  and  the  swamps  until  a  vigorous  people 
and  a  prosperous  country  had  been  developed.  "Brandenburg 
has  not  become  great  through  treasures,  not  through  the  wealth 
of  a  fruitful  soil,  not  through  trade,  but  through  perseverance 
in  times  of  misfortune.  Defeated,  exiled,  half  destroyed,  it  al 
ways  again  arose  in  its  old  power  with  firm  confidence  in  its 
God  and  in  its  destiny.  In  times  of  need  there  always  came  the 
right  hero,  who  brought  delivery  when  all  seemed  lost.  Such  a 
hero  was  the  great  Elector  Frederick  William,  who  found  a 
desolate  realm  and  a  demoralized  people,  and  left  a  young  state 
full  of  life,  and  a  people  filled  with  hope  and  faith.  Such  a  hero 
was  Frederick,  often  great,  but  peculiar  in  the  indomitable  power 
of  overcoming  misfortune.  Such  heroes  were  Stein  and  Harden- 
berg,  who  saw  the  needs  of  their  time  and  were  not  frightened 
by  the  phantoms  of  the  giants,  or  the  cry  of  the  petty  great  ones. 
Such  a  hero  was  Woldemar.  Not  all  heroes  are  perpetuated  in 
bronze  and  marble,  not  every  name  is  remembered  in  song,  but 
it  is  not  less  my  duty  to  recall  with  honor  and  love  those  leaders 
who  made  it  possible  for  us  to  remain  a  German  people  and  to 
become  a  German  nation."25 

He  shows  how,  during  the  time  depicted  in  the  novel,  Lud- 
wig  had  good  intentions  and  that  Germany  had  had  worse  em 
perors,  but  the  times  were  bad  and  the  great  band  of  unity  was 
destroyed.  Prince  and  petty  ruler  thought  more  of  their  own 
selfish  interests  than  of  the  weal  of  the  fatherland.  The  de 
feats  of  Prenzlau  and  Kremmen  had  then  brought  suppression 
and  disunion  into  the  realm  for  the  next  five  hundred  years. 

The  numerous  appeals  for  unity  may  be  briefly  condensed 
under  a  few  general  heads.  He  points  out  that  great  princes  and 
leaders  are  the  prime  requisite  for  unity.26  and  that  for  success 

**  Coar,  Studies  in  German  Literature,  p.  280. 
K  Dei-  Falsclie  Woldemar,  Reclam.  T,  Qf. 
*  Ibid,  I,  99,  269,  299 ;  II,  190. 


24  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

these  princes  and  leaders  must  take  into  consideration  the  wishes, 
demands  and  welfare  of  the  people.27  No  unity  is  possible  where 
the  princes  and  people  as  well  think  only  of  themselves  and  are 
not  ready  to  make  the  necessary  personal  sacrifices.28  Each, 
whether  great  or  small,  must  cast  whatever  he  has  into  the 
balance  for  the  common  good.29  One  resisting  member  can  de 
stroy  every  endeavor.30  Unity  through  force  of  arms  had  in  the 
past  proved  a  failure,  so  now  it  must  be  attained  through  wisdom 
and  diplomacy.31  Where  through  past  efforts  unification  had 
been  attained,  future  efforts  should  be  directed  to  preserving  it. 
Existing  realms  should  not  be  divided,  for  the  loss  of  a  single 
state  means  eventual  dismemberment,  and  a  dual  government 
means  turmoil  and  strife.32  In  times  of  unrest  no  single  power  is 
strong  enough  to  stand  alone,  but  in  unity  there  is  political 
strength.33  Germany  needs  to  be  united  to  protect  it  from  its 
enemies  to  the  east  and  west.  "The  German  eagle  has  two  heads. 
One  was  intended  to  watch  the  East  and  the  other  the  West,  and 
the  one  was  to  keep  the  other  awake.  .  Once  when  he  slept,  or 
had  both  heads  turned  in  the  same  direction,  the  enemy  came  and 
robbed  him  of  some  of  his  feathers.  Others  believe  he  has  two 
heads  because  the  Germans  were  always  at  discord,  at  variance 
concerning  their  rights  and  freedom.  One  wished  to  go  to  the 
right,  the  other  to  the  left.  So  it  was  that  they  did  not  move  for 
ward,  but  remained  behind  their  neighbors.  Still  others  think 
the  double  eagle  means  rival  emperors  who  fought  for  the  crown, 
each  believing  himself  in  the  right.  The  German  eagle  is  still 
double-headed.  God  grant,  however,  that  it  keep  a  single  body 
and  a  single  heart.  Now  that  we  know  what  came  of  it  that 
the  one  nodded  and  the  other  only  watched,  may  God  grant  that 
it  continually  look  to  the  east  and  west  with  both  heads."34 


"Ibid,  II,  333- 

"Ibid,  I,  135,  214,  264,  3i;f;  II,  31. 

29  Ibid,  I,  299;  II,  31,  46f. 

"Ibid,  I,  273. 

nlbid,  I,  309. 

82  Ibid,  I,  271,  307!;  II,  210,  226. 

33  Ibid,  I,  309;  II,  50,  58,  86,  129. 

"Ibid,  II,  2ii. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  25 

The  next  novel,  Der  Roland  von  Berlin,  brings  us  a  picture 
from  the  fifteenth  century.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  Fichte 
in  his  Reden  an  die  deutsche  Nation  had  recommended  this 
period  as  a  thankful  one  for  the  patriotic  novel  writer.  "To  up 
lift  the  downcast  spirits  we  should  have  an  inspiring  story  from 
this  period.  It  must,  however,  not  be  a  mere  chronicle  of  deeds 
and  events,  but  must  so  seize  us  in  its  spell  that  without  our 
efforts  or  consciousness  we  are  transferred  into  the  life  of  that 
time  so  that  we  act,  move  and  live  with  it.  This  life  must  not 
be  depicted  with  that  childish,  trifling  invention  so  current  in 
historical  novels,  but  with  truth.  Deeds  and  events  must  be  de 
duced  from  this  life  as  verifications  of  its  import."35  The  suc 
cess  with  which  Alexis  accomplished  this  task  is  self-evident. 

The  great  free  cities  had  served  their  period  of  usefulness 
and  had  become  a  disturbing  element  in  the  building  up  of  a 
united  realm.  So  long  as  the  citizen  united  himself  as  a  unit  in 
the  affairs  of  state,  well  and  good.  So  soon  as  he  began  to  con 
sider  himself  only  and  his  own  interests,  then  his  participation 
for  the  good  of  the  state  must  be  obtained  through  force,  or  he 
must  be  excluded  from  the  state.  Berlin  no  longer  supported 
by  the  other  free  cities  and  torn  by  the  revolt  of  a  suppressed 
populace  against  a  patrician  council,  falls  an  easy  prey  to  the 
prince.  Denying  it  its  ancient  privileges,  which  were  no  longer 
compatible  with  centralized  government,  he  attempts  to  make  it 
unite  its  powers  with  him  in  national  progress. 

As  regards  German  unity  Alexis  again  repeats  much  that 
was  noted  in  the  previous  novel.  A  few  new  points  may  be  men 
tioned.  We  see  the  Prince  of  Brandenburg  seeking  first  to  put 
his  own  realm  on  a  firm  centralized  basis,36  destroying  antiquated 
institutions,37  and  then  through  his  diplomacy  uniting  other 
provinces  to  his  state.  "The  princes  must  work  together,  must 
form  a  firm  union — one  must  help  the  other,  for  they  are  the 
links  of  the  chain  that  hold  together  the  national  weal.  They 
must  become  stronger  and  wield  a  power  in  this  northern  land." 


Fichte,  Reden  an  die  deutsche  Nation,  Reclam.,  p.  295. 
Der  Roland  von  Berlin,  III,  19. 
Ibid,  HI,  40. 


26  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

If  every  prince  in  the  German  realm  should  become  as  the  Kur- 
fiirst  of  Brandenburg  would  have  them,  "there  would  no  longer 
be  petty  princes.  They  would  become  as  heads  in  a  large  city. 
There  are  many  limbs  in  one  body,  but  there  is  only  one  head. 
Many  must  become  limbs  who  fallaciously  imagine  themselves 
heads,  that  there  may  be  one  head."38 

The  Kurfiirst  does  not  succeed  in  his  wishes,  but  there  is  a 
hopeful  future.  "My  father  did  much,  I  did  something,  and  my 
successor  will  do  much  more.  But  if  we  had  a  thousand  arms 
we  could  do  nothing  if  the  people  do  not  trust  us  and  lend  their 
aid.  This  Mark  can  become  prosperous  and  strong,  but  so  long 
as  each  closes  his  own  door,  and  boasts  of  his  own  petty  rights, 
where  can  there  be  a  common  purpose?  Great  things  can  be 
attained  in  the  future  only  when  the  individual  modestly  and 
voluntarily  gives  himself  for  the  common  good."89 

History  has  advanced  another  hundred  years  in  Alexis'  next 
novel,  Die  Hosen  des  Herrn  vpn  Bredow,  and  its  sequel  Der 
Werwolf.  Here  we  have  a  picture  from  the  period  just  preceding 
and  the  first  few  years  of  the  Reformation.  Brandenburg  has 
become  a  stronger  state  and  holds  a  higher  rank  in  the  German 
realm.  Centralized  government,  peace  and  security,  however, 
have  not  yet  been  realized.  Prince  Joachim  finds  that  the  nobles 
must  now  be  reduced  that  they  may  re-adjust  themselves  as  a 
part  of  the  state.  They  too  must  not  be  opposing  forces,  but 
must  do  their  part  for  unity  and  harmony,  though  in  so  doing 
they  do  not  need  to  lose  the  privileges  of  their  rank.  Inspired 
by  greed  and  without  unity  among  themselves,  they  are  easily 
reduced  to  submission.  Amidst  the  turmoil  there  looms  up  on 
the  distant  horizon  the  growing  influence  of  the  great  Reformer, 
and  Alexis  depicts  the  people  as  beginning  to  think  for  them 
selves,  and  so  shows  the  gradual  growth  of  public  opinion. 

Besides  the  references  to  unity  already  noted  in  the  other 
novels,  Alexis  here  accredits  Joachim  with  the  plan  of  a  Customs 
Union,  and  with  some  slight  estimate  of  its  value  as  a  unifying 


"Ibid,  I,  252. 
"Ibid,  III,  183. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  27 

element.40  A  Prussian  knight  informs  the  Danish  ambassador 
that  the  Prince  has  planned  to  enclose  the  whole  German  realm 
with  a  great  net  of  custom  houses,  that  internal  commerce  may 
have  greater  freedom  and  that  goods  from  without  may  be  sub 
ject  to  only  one  duty.  "A  sly  plan,"  remarks  the  Dane,  "to  be 
come  master  over  all  Germany,"  but  the  Prussian  denies  that 
the  king  has  any  such  idea. 

The  sturdy  qualities  of  the  Great  Elector,  the  real  founder 
of  the  Prussian  monarchy,  are  portrayed  in  Dorothee,  Alexis' 
next  chronicle  of  the  Mark  Brandenburg.  Here  was  an  excel 
lent  chance  to  portray  the  momentous  events  incident  to  the  rise 
of  Prussia.  The  Great  Elector  had  succeeded  not  to  a  single 
united  state,  but  to  a  number  of  provinces  which  had  no  common 
tie.  He  sought  to  bring  about  a  seeming  unity  in  that  he  estab 
lished  a  strong  central  power  which  ruled  for  the  common  good, 
and  so  laid  the  foundation  for  a  paternal  monarchy  in  the  best 
and  only  true  sense.  The  intellectual  strength  of  Alexis,  how 
ever,  had  begun  to  weaken  and  the  events  of  1848  had  broken  his 
spirit.  As  a  result  the  work  is  not  written  with  the  enthusiasm 
and  patriotic  vigor  of  the  other  novels. 

Whatever  the  faults  of  the  novel,  Alexis  has  given  us  a 
pleasing  picture  of  the  first  Hohenzollern  prince  who  recognized 
the  great  place  which  Prussia  must  have  in  the  future  of  Ger 
many.  The  message  which  the  author  puts  into  the  mouth  of 
the  Great  Elector  was  his  message  to  Germany  after  1848, 
with  its  gloomy  reactionary  days.41  The  old  Burgsdorf  asks  the 
Prince  if  it  is  incumbent  upon  Prussia  to  look  to  the  future  of 
the  greater  German  realm,  and  this  farsighted  statesman  an 
swers:  "It  is  incumbent  upon  me,  for  I  am  called  to  do  it. 
This  German  people  and  German  land  must  have  one  German 
man  and  one  German  race  about  which  it  can  gather  in  times  of 
danger,  that  our  enemies  may  not  tear  off  one  piece  after  another 
from  the  South  or  the  North,  the  East  or  the  West  of  this  na 
tion,  that  it  may  not  be  dismembered."  Burgsdorf  interposes 


"Der  Werwolf,  I,  119. 
"  Dorothee.  Til,  155. 


28  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

that  others  were  called  to  the  task,  but  the  Elector  points  out  why 
Prussia  is  called  to  leadership.  "Because  the  others  thought  only 
of  themselves,  because  they  had  in  mind  their  Spanish,  Italian, 
Hungarian  interests  only,  when  they  pretended  to  act  for  Ger 
many,  their  mission  passed  to  those  who  look  beyond  themselves 
to  a  greater  German  fatherland.  Whoever  knows  his  mission 
and  accomplishes  it,  is  in  the  right."  He  points  out  that  it  is  the 
destiny  and  mission  of  the  House  of  Hohenzollern  to  do  this. 
Whatever  ancient  rights,  whatever  antiquated  institutions  stand 
in  the  way  should  be  demolished  for  the  future  justified  such 
destruction.  And  then  it  sounds  almost  like  an  apology  on  the 
part  of  Alexis  for  his  anger  toward  his  king  in  1848,  when  the 
latter  had  refused  to  become  the  provisional  leader  of  the  heredi 
tary  empire,  when  he  causes  the  Great  Elector  to  remind  the  still 
obstinate  Burgsdorf  that  "until  the  people  can  learn  to  think,  not 
of  themselves,  but  of  the  weal  of  the  whole  nation,  they  must 
allow  me  to  think  for  them." 

In  the  novel  Alexis  also  depicts  the  rise  of  three  forces  op 
posing  German  national  unity,  the  church,  the  intrigues  of  Aus 
tria  and  the  encroachments  of  France.  The  first  is  represented 
in  Balsamo,  who  approaches  the  Princess  and  opposes  the  union 
of  the  House  of  Hohenzollern  and  the  House  of  Orange.42 
"When  these  two  families,  who  are  minded  to  impress  upon  the 
world  a  new  order,  become  one,  when  the  blood  of  the  Hohen 
zollern  and  Orange  run  in  the  veins  of  one  ruler,  then  is  our 
power  in  danger."  The  second  is  represented  in  the  Vienesse 
Count  Lambert,  who  shows  clearly  his  fear  of  any  centralized 
power  in  the  North,  which  may  surpass  in  splendor  the  old  glory 
of  Austria.43  When  Ilgen  learns  that  the  Elector  has  divided  his 
realm  between  his  children  and  step-children,  he  complains  that 
all  the  glorious  work  of  the  past  has  been  destroyed.44  "Thus 
we  are  again  what  we  were  in  the  days  of  George  William,  a 
ball  in  the  hands  of  Austria."  The  third  is  shown  by  the  en 
croachments  of  Louis  XIV.  The  Great  Elector  feels  he  is  called 


"Ibid,  III,  130. 
"Ibid,  I,   121. 
"Ibid,  II,  54. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  18/0  29 

upon  to  resist.45  "That  must,  that  shall  not  be.  My  German 
blood  rebels  against  it.  I  consider  my  German  fatherland  des 
tined  to  something  better;  to  hinder  it,  is  the  mission  of  the 
House  of  Hollenzollern."  In  the  days  of  his  mental  and  physi 
cal  weakness,  he  learns  that  Strassburg  has  been  plundered  by 
the  French  :4C  "Then  his  eye  gleamed,  his  hand  clenched  itself 
and  he  cried :  'That  is  a  rupture  that  cries  to  God  for  revenge. 
Germany  must  now  awaken.'  '  When  he  hears  of  the  Cham 
bers  of  Reunion  he  writhes  as  in  pain,  he  laughs  aloud  and  it 
is  a  terrible  laugh.  "Now  we  will  see  how  the  Germans  be 
come  united.  Are  they  not  always  united?  Everyone  lets  hap 
pen  what  does  not  personally  concern  him." 

The  first  novel  of  Alexis'  series,  Cabanis,  brings  Prussian 
history  down  to  the  time  of  Frederick  the  Great.  The  author  de 
picts  here  the  successful  campaign  of  the  great  Emperor  to  pre 
vent  Prussia  being  reduced  to  an  inactive  role  in  the  future  his 
tory  of  Germany.  Yet  he  does  not  conceal  the  fact  that  his  suc 
cess  laid  the  foundation  for  the  dual  leadership  in  Germany 
which  was  to  last  for  over  a  hundred  years,  and  was  to  be  the 
prime  hindrance  to  German  national  unity. 

Alexis  once  more  emphasizes  his  firm  belief  in  hereditary 
monarchy.  The  Marquis  states  it  very  emphatically  when  he 
claims:47  "Crowns  may  become  superannuated,  but  never  the 
right  to  wear  them."  The  solution  of  all  the  perplexing  ques 
tions  is  to  come  through  the  work  of  this  ideal  hereditary  mon 
arch.  "This  chaotic  struggle  will  cease,  the  excited  and  tired 
times  long  for  rest,  and  the  states  desire  a  man  with  a  firm  hand, 
a  clear  eye  and  an  earnest  will.  This  only  is  needed  and  all  else 
will  and  must  settle  itself." 

He  regrets  that  Frederick  did  not  bring  about  a  united 
Germany,  when  he  had  the  power  in  his  hands.48  "If  Frederick 
had  made  himself  emperor  and  king,  had  put  rich  Austria  in  his 
pocket,  and  had  seized  whatever  could  be  seized,  he  would  have 


45  Ibid,  III,  155. 
"Ibid,  III,  51. 
"Ibid,  III,  326. 
"Ibid,  I,  144. 


30  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

accomplished  something  and  would  have  had  something  in  the 
end.  The  slight  injustice  would  have  brought  a  rich  reward. 
Questions  and  investigations  would  then  have  been  stopped,  and 
the  more  he  took,  the  greater  his  right.  Those  who  now  bother 
him  would  have  then  been  forced  to  dance  to  his  pipe." 

The  novel  also  brings  us  a  patriotic  remembrance  of  the 
Hasenheide,  the  place  so  closely  associated  with  Jahn  and  his 
endeavor  to  bring  about  a  new  nation  through  the  education  of 
the  physical  man,  "There  the  heroes  assembled,  there  was  waged 
the  great  battle  for  fatherland  and  honor."49  Again  he  depicts 
how  the  boys  of  Berlin  have  assembled  there  and  are  going  to 
act  out  the  battle  of  Mollwitz.50  But  none  would  join  Etinne, 
who  represented  the  cause  of  Maria  Theresa.  They  pitch  a  coin 
to  decide,  "But  those  whom  the  lot  sent  to  my  side  would  not 
come.  Was  I  to  hammer  Austrian  patriotism  into  them?  Or 
should  the  Prussians  force  them  to  become  Austrians?  We 
were  on  the  point  of  coming  to  blows  as  to  who  should  fight  for 
Austria  even  before  it  came  to  a  real  fight  between  Austria  and 
Prussia.  Then  it  occurred  to  someone  that  it  was  perhaps  not 
necessary  to  fight  in  order  to  be  happy  and  have  a  good  time.  A 
youthful  politician  suggested  that  King  Frederick  and  Queen 
Maria  Theresa  could  marry  and  then  all  would  be  well.  Every 
one  was  pleased  with  the  thought,  but  no  one  knew  how  it  was 
to  be  done.  But  at  any  rate  the  desire  to  fight  among  ourselves 
was  gone." 

The  famous  words  of  Count  Schulenburg-Kehnert,  Ruhe 
ist  die  erste  Biirgerpftkht,  form  the  title  of  Alexis'  portrayal  of 
Prussia  during  the  days  of  its  deepest  disgrace.  It  shows  the 
failure  of  paternal  government  to  accomplish  its  task  and  to  hold 
together  a  people  in  times  of  grave  peril.  The  slight  flicker  of 
national  feeling  that  had  flamed  up  under  Frederick  had  given 
away  to  a  cosmopolitanism  that  had  destroyed  almost  all  feeling 
for  national  unity.  With  thoughts  and  hearts  centered  on  petty 
questions,  indifferent  and  without  energy,  this  race  of  epignons 
watched  the  storm  draw  near  and  heeded  it  not. 


49  Cabanis,  III,  326. 
"Ibid,  I,  122. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  18/0  31 

But  the  picture  is  not  entirely  dark.  As  Coar  has  pointed 
out,  Alexis  indicates  that  the  time  had  come  when  the  people  and 
not  the  rulers  represented  Brandenburg-Prussian  ideals.51  Dem 
ocracy  in  the  form  of  benevolent  despotism  had  served  its  pur 
pose  ;  democracy  in  the  form  of  constitutional  monarchy  and  rep 
resentative  government  was  beginning  to  take  hold  on  public 
sentiment  and  with  it  came  a  new  notion  of  national  patriotism. 
A  few  vigorous  patriots  are  represented  as  still  seeing  in  Prus 
sia  the  bulwark  of  Germany  against  foreign  encroachment  and 
in  it  the  germ  of  unity  that  was  to  develop  and  unite  the  states 
into  a  common  nation. 

The  honor  of  arousing  this  new  patriotism  is  rightfully 
given  to  the  Romanticists.52  "This  school  has  brought  the 
peculiar,  but  downtrodden  and  forgotten  treasures  from  our 
nations  past  to  the  light  of  day.  What  did  we  know  of  it  be 
fore?  From  them  we  learned  that  our  people  had  lived,  that 
our  fathers  were  great  and  glorious  before  history  was  written. 
Oh,  what  a  fund  of  legendary  lore  Romanticism  has  given  us ! 
Now  we  know  what  a  nation  we  were  under  the  Hohenstaufen. 
In  the  Kyffhauser  sleeps  the  splendor  of  the  old  realm  and  the 
ravens  croak  about  the  ruins,  and  the  spirit  awaits  his  (Barba- 
rossa's)  awakening.  That  was  brought  us  by  Romanticism.  Yet 
you  would  reject  it  all  because  it  is  but  filmy  visions  while  you 
want  reality.  What  else  than  a  vision  did  the  Jews  have  of 
Palestine?  But  that  vision  awakened  a  Moses.  Let  a  Moses  be 
aroused  and  we  shall  again  have  a  German  nation,  a  German 
power.  He  would  arouse  the  people  from  their  stupor,  their 
indifference,  would  join  every  member  as  a  link  in  the  chain  and 
blend  people  and  princes  into  a  harmonious  unity." 

One  obstacle  in  the  way  of  unity  is  the  desire  for  self  aggran 
dizement  on  the  part  of  the  several  states  especially  Prussia.53 
"Why do  you  make  it  a  point  of  honor  to  conceal  from  others  what 
you  must  confess  to  yourself.  You  are  conscious  of  your  own 
weakness,  so  why  not  confess  it  to  others  ?  It  could  only  promote 

61  Coar,  Studies  in  German  Literature,  p.  282. 
"  Ruhe  ist  die  erste  Biirgerpflicht,  II,  62f. 
w  Ibid,  III,  20. 


32  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

confidence.  But,  as  it  is,  when  you  show  yourself  in  all  your 
pomp  before  the  other  Germans  you  do  not  desire  the  brotherly 
Icve  and  friendship  which  but  a  few  of  you  have  in  mind.  We 
are  all  weak,  but  if  we  confess  our  mutual  weakness,  we  could 
find  the  means  of  becoming  strong.  That,  my  dear  Prussia,  is 
what  separates  you  from  the  rest  of  Germany."  Prussia  cannot 
stand  alone  without  Germany.  When  the  state  looks  not  to  itself 
but  to  Germany  then  there  will  be  a  possibility  of  unity.  "If  we 
do  not  hold  firmly  to  Germany  then  there  is  no  Hesse  and  no 
Saxony,  and  no  Prussia  and  no  Austria." 

Finally  Alexis  points  out  how  England  had  become  united 
and  how  it  would  have  become  demoralized  if  the  larger  nation 
had  not  been  the  heart  from  which  all  veins  received  their  blood.54 
"For  centuries  our  veins  have  been  bound  and  the  blood  drawn 
from  them,  and  attempts  made  to  guide  it  into  other  channels,  and 
yet  it  ever  strives  to  return  to  the  heart.  It  seeks  the  way  but  can 
not  find  it  and  that  is  its  torment.  But  it  must  and  will  find  it 
again  or  the  name  of  Germany  will  be  stricken  from  the  page  of 
history."  In  England  the  blood  of  the  separate  races  had  but 
recently  found  this  heart.  "The  fusion  of  blood  is  accomplished 
and  the  stamp  upon  its  permanency  is  interest.  Yes,  my  dear 
sirs,  let  us  not  be  mistaken,  it  is  interest  that  binds  and  holds 
us  together." 

The  gloomy  picture  unrolled  in  Keep  Cool  had  not  met  with 
the  approval  of  some  of  Alexis'  contemporaries,  and  many  be 
lieved  that  the  next  novel  would  portray  the  glorious  uprising  in 
Germany  and  the  birth  of  the  new  realm.  But  these  hopes  were 
deceived.  Alexis  justifies  the  gloomy  view  in  Isigrimm  through 
historical  reasons.  "The  historical  painter  does  not  follow  the 
servitude  in  Egypt  with  the  crushing  of  Palestine ;  his  next  task 
is  the  wandering  through  the  desert."55  And  so  the  novel 
portrays  the  period  immediately  following  the  ^defeat  at  Jena  and 
the  days  preceding  the  events  of  1848. 

He  shows  the  nation  working  out  its  own  problems  along 
the  line  of  democratic  monarchy.  Growth  seems  to  come  slowly 


'Ibid,  III,  191. 

'  Isigrimm,  III,  200. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  33 

but  it  is  nevertheless  present.56  "The  nation  seems  a  people  of 
impracticable  dreamers  but  while  they  are  dreaming  and  philoso 
phizing,  they  are  preparing  in  their  own  way  for  action.  In  their 
universities  each  professor  teaches  what  he  desires,  and  no  states 
man  troubles  himself  about  it.  But  before  a  generation  has 
passed  these  ideas  that  were  thought  to  be  rank  stupidity  now 
rule  supreme.  These  learned  men,  these  hungry  poets  have 
thought  out  in  their  attic  chambers  the  kings  and  lawgivers  of 
future  days.  They  have  studied  what  made  France  free,  united, 
powerful  and  victorious.  They  have  studied  our  liberal  ideas. 
The  idea  rules  supreme.  Through  all  Germany  this  secret  con 
spiracy  has  its  following.  Everyone  sees  that  the  old  system  of 
government  has  in  all  its  branches  lived  its  day.  The  people  are 
now  thinking.  Whoever  looks  into  history  dare  not  dispute  it, 
that  thought  is  a  powerful  weapon  which  destroys  nationalities, 
transforms  nations  and  unites  dismembered  realms.  The  bearers 
of  this  idea  move  everywhere  through  the  land.  They  forge  no 
other  weapon  than  that  of  public  opinion." 

The  novel  shows  how  this  same  public  opinion  prepared 
the  way  for  the  successful  war  of  1813-15,  encouraged  the  down 
cast  hearts  in  the  days  of  reaction  and  supported  the  feeble  at 
tempts  at  representative  democratic  government  during  the  fourth 
decade. 

During  these  periods  the  desire  for  unity  grew  more  and 
more,  but  in  the  end  the  attainment  of  its  seemed  as  remote 
as  before.  Alexis  speaks  his  last  word  concerning  it  through 
Mauritz  at  the  grave  of  Isigrimm,  a  nobleman  who  before  his 
death  had  begun  to  realize  the  beneficial  tendencies  of  demo 
cracy.57  "Germany  seems  more  dismembered  then  ever  before, 
and  it  is  so  through  those  who  have  tried  to  bring  about  its  unity. 
The  reason  for  it  all  is  the  selfishness  of  man  which  clings  ten 
aciously  to  possession.  Why  had  God  called  those  great  minds 
into  being  which  created  that  unity,  called  the  state,  when  the 
eternal  spirit  had  preordained  that  the  goal  was  to  be  reached 
as  soon  as  each  should  do  what  was  right,  give  what  he  ought, 


*  Ibid,  II,  10. 
17  Ibid,  III,  196. 


34  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

and  sacrifice  what  he  selfishly  loved.  No  one  arose  concerning 
whom  we  can  say  'in  him  is  God' ;  not  one  among  the  turbulent 
people,  not  one  among  the  embittered  princes.  They  all  think 
of  themselves,  of  their  princely  houses.  In  their  selfish  spirits 
they  think  only  of  their  own  deeds,  of  their  barns  and  treasure 
rooms,  and  heed  not  the  desires  of  the  masses  and  the  needs  of 
the  nation." 

That  the  historical  novel  of  the  old  type  was  not  adapted  to 
the  portrayal  of  contemporary  events  was  confessed  by  Alexis 
in  Isigrimm.58  "The  laws  of  the  older  novel  do  not  fit  the  his 
torical  novel  of  modern  times.  When  the  sunlight  of  the  day, 
the  storms  of  the  night,  the  burning  pain  of  bleeding  wounds,  the 
sorrows  and  the  joys  of  a  people  give  the  painter  the  colors  for 
his  picture,  then  the  laws  that  created  a  Tom  Jones  and  a  Wilhelm 
Meister  are  not  sufficient,  not  even  those  which  a  Walter  Scott 
created  to  portray  in  elegiac  calm  the  conditions  of  past  races." 
The  difficulty  felt  by  Alexis  had  been  felt  years  before  and  the 
result  had  been  a  combination  of  the  historical  novel  with  features 
from  the  "Zeitroman,"  giving  the  historical  "tendenz"  novel  In 
the  decades  under  consideration  Heinrich  Koenig  had  produced 
the  best  novels  of  this  type. 

Koenig  had  taken  an  active  interest  in  the  political  and  reli 
gious  life  of  the  day,  but  with  the  true  sense  of  the  artist  he  does 
not  introduce  the  questions  of  the  day  into  his  novels  in  such  a 
way  that  they  claim  the  whole  attention.  The  "tendenz"  is 
subordinate  to  his  purpose  and  develops  out  of  the  material  rather 
than  forming  the  material  itself.  He  usually  chooses  to  portray 
the  immediate  past,  the  conflict  of  the  new  with  the  old,  the 
breaking  down  of  old  institutions  and  the  building  up  of  new 
ones. 

With  many  echoes  of  Romanticism  and  Young  Germany  he 
wrote  Die  hohe  Brant  in  1832.  The  novel  depicts  the  beginning 
of  the  French  Revolution  in  Savoy.  Here  and  tliere  however  he 
has  a  word  to  say  of  political  unity.  He  recognizes  the  difficulties 
in  the  way  of  attaining  it.  Through  Blanca  he  points  out  that  the 


"Ibid,  IIT,  200. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  35 

individual,  the  segregated  race,  can  accomplish  nothing  in  the 
world.59  Men  have  an  innate  tendency  to  union  and  not  to 
segregation,  and  the  ideas  and  conditions  of  the  world  are  based 
on  this  idea.  But  how  much  distress  and  how  many  struggles 
men  will  have  to  endure  before  they  are  so  formed,  so  moulded, 
so  educated  to  that  degree  necessary  to  their  mutual  happiness, 
until  they  can  come  into  harmonious  contact  with  each  other, 
until  they  have  overcome  all  the  hindrances  to  unity.  Koenig 
does  not  expect  unity  from  papular  government  60  but  hopes  61 
that  the  outcome  of  the  mutual  efforts  of  legitimacy  and  revolu 
tion  will  be  a  proper  prince,  a  man  of  might  who  will  through  his 
statesmanship  bring  about  the  desired  unity. 

In  his  next  novel  Koenig  chose  his  material  from  the  history 
of  his  own  country  and  in  this  field  created  his  best  novel,  Die 
Klubisten  von  Mainz  (1847).  ^  deals  with  the  struggle  caused 
by  the  introduction  of  the  new  French  ideas  into  the  conserva 
tive  city  of  Mainz  during  the  last  decade  of  the  eighteenth  cen 
tury. 

Political  unity  receives  but  scant  notice.  The  conservative 
Franz  Karl  hears  much  said  of  the  German  nation,  but  as  he 
enumerates  the  many  electorial  and  ecclesiastical  princes,  the 
earldoms  and  manorial  estates,  he  asks  himself,  "Where  is  the 
German  nation?"62  The  plot  of  the  novel  shows  how  the  petty 
princes  are  thwarting  the  movements  for  the  common  good  of 
the  nation,  prompted  by  the  selfish  interest  in  their  own  despotic 
power.  As  the  French  encroachment  becomes  more  and  more 
burdensome  the  patriotic  Reading  Club  passes  the  resolution  that 
"it  is  high  time  that  the  German  states  open  their  eyes,  let  fall 
their  differences  and  clasp  hands  against  the  common  danger."63 
Finally  through  the  Liberal,  Forster,  he  speaks  the  hopeful  mes 
sage  that  "Germany  in  its  submissive  position  has  no  conception 
of  its  greatness  or  courage.  If  she  would  but  once  rise  in  her 


M  Die  hohe  Braut,  184. 

"Ibid,  37. 

"Ibid,  163. 

K  Klubisten  von  Mains,  I,  156. 

"Ibid,  II,   i66f. 


36  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

united  strength  she  would  tower  above  all  the  thrones  of 
Europe." 

Following  Koenig  in  the  field  of  the  historical  "tendenz" 
novel,  but  with  less  success  came  Edward  Duller  and  Julius 
Mosen. 

The  former  usually  portrays  in  his  works  the  conflict  be 
tween  church  and  state,  and  rarely  touches  in  any  real  way  on 
the  political  problems  of  the  day. 

These  questions  receive  greater  attention  in  the  novels  of 
Mosen.  He  shows  a  warm  enthusiasm  for  liberal  ideas,  though 
he  does  not  hesitate  to  lash  the  petty  foibles  of  that  party.  This 
is  especially  true  in  Kongress  von  Verona  (1842).  He  describes 
the  victorious  struggle  of  Absolutism  against  Liberalism  at  that 
notable  Congress.  In  regard  to  national  unity  he  has  little  to 
say,  except  to  make  sport  of  the  German  Corps-Students,  who 
have  come  to  Verona  to  present  a  petition  from  the  young  men 
of  Germany.  What  this  petition  is,  we  do  not  learn.  When  these 
petitioners  learn  that  even  the  appeal  of  Father  Gorres  has  been 
disregarded,  they  conclude  "that  neither  old  or  young  (  ?)  Germany 
has  anything  to  gain  from  the  Congress."64  One  of  the  young 
men,  Achillius,  believes  that  the  last  hope  of  German  unity  has 
been  forever  destroyed  when  he  learns  that  three  of  his  Corps- 
brothers  have  been  expelled  from  Halle,  Jena  und  Gottingen. 
Believing  his  fatherland  is  lost,  he  goes  to  help  the  Greeks  in 
their  struggle  for  national  independence.  The  others  remain 
long  enough  to  see  their  petition  disregarded  amidst  the  petty 
intrigues  of  party  interests  and  in  disgust  they  depart  for  home. 

The  first  attempt  to  write  in  the  style  of  Goethe  a  modern 
"Zeitroman"  was  made  during  this  period  by  Karl  Immermann 
in  Die  Epigonen  (1836).  How  closely  he  followed  Goethe  has 
already  been  pointed  out  by  our  literary  critics.65  Through  se 
lected  types  he  unrolls  before  us  a  picture  of  Jhe  times  as  he 
saw  them.  Unfortunately  he  had  no  clear  vision  of  the  trend 
of  affairs  and  has  given  us  only  a  vague  sketch.  He  seems  to 


•*  Cong)  ess  von  Verona,  72. 
"Mielke,  124. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  18/0  37 

have  originally  had  the  desire  to  write  a  historical  novel  after 
the  manner  of  Scott,  but  failing  to  discover  any  unity  of  con 
sciousness  in  the  German  life  of  his  day,  he  wrote  a  pessimistic 
novel  containing  distorted  pictures  of  contemporary  conditions. 

His  vigorous  opposition  to  the  Student  Corps  and  his  hos 
tility  towards  the  vague  dreams  and  wild  enthusiasm  of  the  so- 
called  demagogues,  brought  upon  Immermann  the  condemnation 
of  his  contemporaries,  made  him  an  outcast  in  political  circles 
and  brought  him  unjust  consideration  for  many  years  at  the 
hands  of  later  critics.  Only  shortly  before  his  death  did  he  come 
more  into  contact  with  the  active  political  life  of  the  day,  and  was 
just  beginning  to  arrive  at  a  true  valuation  of  the  political  trend 
of  affairs.  Coar  is  evidently  correct  when  he  believes  that  if 
Immermann  had  lived,  part  of  his  message  to  the  Germans  would 
have  been  that  "you  cannot  unite  a  people,  for  its  permanent 
unity  is  of  spontaneous  growth."66 

The  hero  of  Die  Epigonen,  Hermann,  the  Wilhelm  Meister 
of  the  novel,  has  many  characteristics  in  common  with  Immer 
mann.  Like  him  Hermann  undertakes  the  task  of  bringing  the 
too  enthusiastic  students  to  a  sane  view  of  their  efforts  in  be 
half  of  their  country,  and,  as  a  reward,  is  branded  as  a  traitor. 
Like  the  author,  this  hero  is  unable  to  place  himself  in  the  current 
of  events,  where  he  can  gain  a  true  perspective  of  civil  life  and 
take  an  active  part  in  it.  or  even  comprehend  it. 

The  picture  he  draws  of  the  young  students  is  very  unjust. 
He  does  not  seem  able  to  see  back  of  their  actions  the  worthy 
patriotic  endeavor  to  bring  about  a  united  and  free  Germany. 
Instead  he  depicts  them  as  fanatic  and  bloodthirsty  demagogues, 
who  solemnly  pronounce  a  death  sentence  upon  all  princes,  may 
ors  and  other  officials  of  the  realm,  and  then  take  to  their  heels 
at  the  sight  of  a  policeman. 

Medon.  the  archdemagogue,  is  depicted  with  considerable 
detail,  although  we  again  have  a  distorted  picture.  He  has  just 
passed  through  an  unfortunate  love  affair  when  the  great  call  to 
arms  in  the  struggle  for  freedom  resounds  through  Germany. 

••Coar,  152. 


38  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

He  entertained  the  hope  of  a  united  fatherland,  and  this  became 
the  god  of  his  heart.  His  bravery  on  the  battlefield,  however, 
arose  from  his  desire  to  die.  He  did  not  find  death,  and,  after 
peace  was  declared,  the  united  fatherland  seemed  more  remote 
than  ever  before.  Gradually  there  grew  up  in  him  a  hatred  of 
all  institutions  which  seemed  to  hinder  in  any  way  the  attain 
ment  of  his  desire.  In  the  end  he  is  ready  to  sanction  and  lend 
his  hand  to  deeds  of  violence. 

The  ideas  of  German  political  unity  in  the  novel  are  ex 
pressed  more  clearly  than  anywhere  else  in  the  political  discus 
sions  that  take  place  at  the  house  of  Medon.67  One  old  states 
man  of  the  "Blood  and  Iron"  type  advocates  force  as  the  proper 
means  of  bringing  about  the  necessary  unity.  He  regards  this 
force  as  the  prerogative  of  the  stronger  state.  When  it  is  pointed 
out  that  this  old  Roman  method  is  not  only  unjust  and  imprac 
ticable,  but  also  out  of  harmony  with  modern  political  ideals, 
he  urges  it  still  more  vigorously.  He  points  out  that  gentle 
means  would  result  only  in  apparent  unity,  a  unity  which  would 
be  destroyed  by  the  first  attack  made  upon  it.  "All  our  states 
are  made  up  of  one  race  and  force  could  not  be  unfortunate,  as 
it  would  only  bring  about  at  one  stroke  what  all  sincerely  de 
sired." 

Another  statesman  opposes  this  use  of  force,  deeming  it 
very  detrimental  to  those  concerned.  The  society,  religion  and 
environments  of  those  concerned  were  so  different  that  force 
could  only  bring  about  discontent  and  disruption.  The  promi 
nent  men  in  the  small  state  would  find  in  the  larger  state  no  field 
for  activity  and  would  then  become  opposing  forces.  The  small 
states  had  existed  so  long,  that  they  could  not  be  blotted  out  of 
existence  by  a  mere  stroke  of  the  pen.  Each  state  was  essen 
tially  different  from  the  other  and  should  not  be  forced  to  change 
in  any  respect.  Saladin's  word,  that  it  is  not  necessary  that  all 
trees  should  have  the  same  bark,  should  apply  in  a  far  greater  de 
gree  to  the  people  than  to  the  individual.  The  truth  of  this  argu 
ment  was  recognized  by  many,  but  it  was  pointed  out  that  the 


Die  Epiyonen,  Reclam., 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  39 

present  condition  of  affairs  was  unendurable  because  the  new 
plan  of  government  demanded  a  certain  inner  unity  among  the 
different  members  of  the  realm. 

A  third  peacefully  minded  statesman  then  attempts  to  sug 
gest  a  happy  mean.  He  would  have  a  free  exchange  of  institu 
tions,  each  state  taking  from  the  other  whatever  is  good  and 
effective,  thus  bringing  about  a  continual  reform  and  a  growing 
unity  in  the  whole  realm.  This  suggestion  pleased  the  company, 
but  when  they  began  to  consider  the  details,  the  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  accomplishing  it  seemed  unsurmountable. 

These  ideas  are  in  the  main  those  entertained  by  the  sev 
eral  parties  of  the  day.  Immermann  does  not  seem  to  favor 
either  the  one  or  the  other,  or  to  offer  any  additional  comment 
on  any  of  them.  In  reality  Immermann  was  a  product  of  the 
previous  decade,  a  spirit  unable  to  adapt  himself  to  the  spirit  of 
the  new  generation. 

Heinrich  Laube  on  the  other  hand  was  a  true  representa 
tive  of  his  day,  filled  with  the  aims  and  enthused  by  the 
plans  of  the  Young  Germans.  Under  his  pen  the  "Zeitroman" 
took  the  second  step  in  its  development,  realism  took  the  place 
of  Romantic  idealism. 

Between  1834  and  1837  he  issued  his  novel  cycle,  Das  Jimge 
Europa.  The  three  novels  of  which  it  is  composed  show  con 
siderable  difference  in  style.  In  Die  Poeten,  we  have  a  com 
bination  of  Goethe's  manner  with  Young  German  ideals;  in  Die 
Krieger,  a  combination  of  Goethe,  Wienbarg  and  Scott;  in  Die 
Burger,  a  return  to  the  style  of  the  first,  but  Young  German 
ideals  are  tempered  by  a  spirit  of  resignation. 

Although  political  affairs  are  introduced  to  a  considerable 
extent  into  the  novels,  little  is  said  of  German  unity  in  particu 
lar.  The  circle  of  poets  in  the  novel  of  that  name  have  all  been 
Turners  and  are  firm  believers  in  the  principles  advocated  by 
their  patron,  Jahn.  We  are  told  that  they  spoke  among  them 
selves  much  of  unity,  but  we  learn  nothing  more  of  their  views 
than  that  sarcastic  remark  that  "Germany  had  once  been  intoxi 
cated  with  new  wine,  had  had  her  heart  in  her  mouth,  her 
senses  in  her  pocket  and  had  made  a  fool  of  herself.  She  had 


4O  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

sought  a  long  lost  love  and  a  beautiful  lover,  had  made  a  mis 
take  and  embraced  her  own  shadow."68 

The  liberal  views  of  the  author  find  expression  in  the  letters 
between  William  and  Valerius.69  William  for  the  sake  of  argu 
ment  is  made  to  oppose  the  Democracy  of  the  day.  He  believes 
its  ultimate  success  would  be  unfortunate.  The  suppression  of 
the  individual  could  only  lead  to  the  elevation  of  the  masses  and 
that  would  be  fatal  to  the  progress  of  culture.  Valerius,  on  the 
other  hand,  hates  the  egotism  of  the  state  in  its  preferment  of  the 
individual.  It  can  only  lead  to  a  lifeless  monarchy,  whereas  the 
other  can  lead  to  the  education  of  man  until  he  can  rule  himself. 
The  ultimate  aim  of  the  latter  is  a  million  of  self-rulers.  He 
condemns  those  who  have  only  their  selfish  aims  in  view  and  lose 
sight  of  the  pernicious  effect  of  their  selfish  actions. 

Constantin,  a  Republican,  represents  the  radical  views  of 
that  party.  He  hopes  to  see  the  day  when  all  nationalities  will 
disappear  and  in  their  place  a  universal  republic  arise. 

The  second  and  third  volumes  of  the  novel,  Die  Krieger  and 
Die  Burger,  did  not  appear  until  after  the  Bundestag  had  issued 
its  decree  against  Laube  and  the  other  Young  German  writers. 
The  first  was  written  in  part  while  the  author  was  in  prison  and 
both  mark  a  decided  change  in  his  views.  The  ideas  expressed 
and  the  demands  made  are  tempered  and  the  author  begins  to 
take  a  broader  view  of  the  times.  Valerius  goes  to  Poland  to 
lend  it  his  help  in  the  struggle  for  freedom  from  Russia.  One 
after  another  of  his  fondest  hopes  is  destroyed.  After  Warsaw 
had  been  betrayed  to  the  Russians  by  a  demagogue  who  through 
his  intrigues  had  destroyed  the  unified  action  of  the  parties,  Va 
lerius  flees,  convinced  that  no  people  can  obtain  their  political 
freedom  and  national  independence  except  through  their  own 
efforts.  Even  this  cannot  be  successful  until  the  leveling  of  social 
distinctions  has  brought  about  a  certain  inner  unity  and  strength. 

The  novels  of  Ferdinand  Stolle  are  broadly  ^considered  his 
torical  novels  of  the  older  type.  Most  of  them,  however,  have 


"Die  Poeten,  43. 
"Ibid,  15- 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  41 

Napoleon  as  the  central  figure  and  might  with  greater  truth  be 
considered  as  novels  of  the  memoir  type. 

During  the  years  of  suppression  there  had  grown  up  among 
the  Romanticists  an  intense  hatred  of  Napoleon.  The  gloomy 
days  that  followed  brought  a  natural  reaction,  especially  when 
the  Liberals  began  to  formulate  their  desires  concerning  civic 
and  political  problems.  Their  thoughts  turned  naturally  toward 
those  nations  which  stood  for  parliamentary  government,  and 
those  men  who  stood  for  liberal  ideas  became  the  object  of  their 
regard  and  admiration.  The  first  among  these  was  France  and 
even  Napoleon.  This  admiration  was  nothing  new,  although  it 
came  now  more  and  more  to  the  front.  It  can  be  traced  in  the 
works  and  thoughts  of  Wielend,  Knebel,  Goethe,  Byron,  Hegel, 
Gaudy,  Heine,  Varnhagen  von  Ense  and  others.  Hauff  had  been 
influenced  by  it  in  Das  Bild  des  Kaisers,  though  his  admiration 
was  not  such  that  he  ceased  to  be  patriotic  towards  his  own  coun 
try.  His  admiration  for  Napoleon  in  his  story  was  impelled 
more  by  literary  motives  than  personal  feeling.  This  Napoleon 
genie  craze  found  its  chief  exponent  in  Stolle.  He  is  an  en 
thusiastic  admirer  of  Napoleon  and  has  made  him  and  his  work 
the  subject  matter  of  more  than  half  of  his  novels. 

He  is  not  at  all  consistent  in  his  political  views  of  German 
affairs,  and  in  fact  seems  to  consider  them  only  of  secondary 
importance.  In  1813  (1838),  in  common  with  many  Saxons  of 
the  day  and  the  radical  Liberalists  of  the  realm  at  large,  he  seems 
to  advocate  relief  for  Germany  through  foreign  aid.  Ruffus,  the 
Saxon,  boasts  that  "when  the  German  provinces  unite  to  drive 
out  Napoleon,  then  the  world  will  see  that  the  United  Germany 
will  not  need  any  foreign  country  to  prescribe  its  laws."70  Je 
rome,  however,  answers  that  "when  Napoleon  conquers  Prussia 
a  second  time  the  boundaries  of  France  will  reach  as  far  as  Po 
land.  Then  the  universal  monarchy  is  completed  and  Napoleon 
will  be  rather  the  man  to  proclaim  the  unity  of  Germany  than 
the  theories  of  German  demagogues." 

Later  this  same  Ruffus  makes  sport  of  the  theorizing  Ger- 


70  Stolle,  1813,  III,  59. 


42  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

mans.71  "The  philosophic  Germans  are  divided  into  thirty-nine 
separate  states.  This  in  no  wise  suits  the  so-called  Liberals  who 
assisted  in  the  war  with  Napoleon.  Some  speak  of  German  unity, 
others  of  Kaiser  und  Reich,  others  still  of  a  Republic  and  I  know 
not  what  else.  Each  schoolmaster  demands  a  new  form  of  gov 
ernment  for  the  Holy  Roman  Empire.  In  theory  the  Germans 
have  accomplished  something."  Through  the  voice  of  Talley 
rand,  the  enemy  of  Germany,  Stolle  has  again  voiced  much  the 
same  sentiment.72  "The  good  Germans  have  been  studying.  In 
deed,  they  have  adopted  our  phraseology  and  accomplished  great 
things  with  it.  Their  'Tugenbund'  understands  now  how  to  start 
a  conspiracy  as  well  as  the  best  of  us.  The  words  fatherland, 
freedom,  unity,  brotherhood,  tyranny,  national  uprising,  war  of 
extermination,  have  increased  a  hundred  fold.  In  short,  my  dear 
Duke,  in  your  next  campaign  you  will  not  only  have  to  deal  with 
the  cabinets  of  Russia,  Prussia  and  Austria,  not  only  with  the 
soldiers  of  the  imperial  army  or  the  army  of  Jena,  but  with  Ger 
man  Jacobines." 

In  Elbe  und  Waterloo  (1838)  Stolle  recognizes  that  the 
efforts  of  the  enemies  of  Germany  have  been  successful  in  pre 
venting  national  unity.  He  praises  this  political  foresight  and 
seems  to  think  it  is  a  good  joke  on  the  Germans.  A  public  reader 
in  Paris  tells  the  assembled  crowd  how  in  the  Congress  at  Vienna 
Talleyrand  had  protested  against  the  granting  of  Poland  and 
Saxony  to  Russia  and  Prussia  respectively  as  compensation  for 
the  war.73  A  French  dandy  at  once  sees  through  it  all !  "It  has 
always  been  the  policy  of  the  French  cabinet  to  prevent  Russia 
from  becoming  too  powerful.  As  regards  Germany,  the  cabinet 
aims  at  the  same  policy  that  the  larger  states  may  not  absorb  the 
lesser  and  so  gradually  a  united  Germany  arise  to  the  great  dis 
advantage  of  France.  France  has  only  gain  from  a  dismembered 
Germany." 

Stolle  even  believes  in  the  suppression  of  the  free  press.     In 
Die  Granite  Colonne  von  Marengo  (1855),  he  believes  it  is  dan- 


nlbid.  III,  267. 

"  Ibid,  I,  120. 

"Elbe  und  Waterloo,  III,  101. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  43 

gerous  to  the  public  weal.74  "At  a  time  when  the  foe  stands  be 
fore  our  gates  unity  of  the  nation  is  the  prime  requisite.  Party 
struggles  can  only  be  injurious  to  this  aim,  and  the  press  should 
be  suppressed  that  the  already  strong  party  feeling  may  not  be 
fanned  into  flames." 

As  has  been  pointed  out  by  Mielke,  the  fourth  decade  was 
marked  by  the  introduction  of  another  type  of  foreign  influence, 
that  of  Dickens,  Duma,  Hugo  and  Sue.  Written  primarily  with 
the  intent  of  entertaining,  the  German  novels  of  this  type  had  the 
socialistic  color  of  their  models,  and  were  to  a  certain  extent 
"Zeitromane"  in  content. 

A  representative  type  of  this  may  be  seen  in  Paul,  written 
by  Ungern-Sternberg  in  1845.  Its  object  was  to  awaken  the 
nobility  to  the  old  honors  of  their  rank.  They  are  again  to  lead 
in  public  life,  in  part  for  the  good  of  the  German  nation  at  large, 
but  chiefly  for  their  own  selfish  interests.  With  such  a  purpose 
in  view,  it  is  not  surprising  that  he  had  no  sympathy  with  the 
prevailing  Liberal  views  of  freedom  and  unity.  It  would  neces 
sarily  rob  the  nobility  of  many  of  their  ancient  rights  and  so 
could  not  receive  the  support  of  that  class. 

The  hero,  Paul,  cautions  his  friend  Lindfried  against  the 
party  which  strives  for  unity  through  constitutional  forms  of 
government  and  are  deceiving  peasant  and  citizen  with  their  de 
ceptive  snares.75  "How  glorious  and  exalted  the  dream  of  Ger 
many  united,  Germany  free,  the  people  a  power  in  the  state.  To 
the  present  time,  however,  this  cup  which  was  to  be  filled  with 
sparkling  wine  has  only  been  filled  with  the  nauseous  dregs  of 
dirty  political  party  interests.  It  is  but  a  poison  and  the  most 
highhanded  despotism  would  here  find  a  worthy  task  in  clearing 
the  soil  that  the  great  creative  spirits,  which  are  to  come  and  sow 
their  golden  grain,  may  find  a  suitable  soil.  Wherever  tried  these 
forms  have  proven  inefficient  and  have  not  succeeded  in  filling 
the  people  with  a  new  political  consciousness."  Even  if  the  con 
stitution  should  be  accepted  by  a  majority  of  the  states,  he  still 


"Die  Granite  Colonne  von  Marengo,  I,  134. 
"Paul,   III,    i68f. 


44  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

doubts  whether  it  would  be  a  benefit  to  Germany.  The  nation, 
he  believes,  owes  the  depth  and  thoroughness  of  its  intellectual 
life  to  its  political  disunion  and  to  the  absence  of  a  law  giving 
states  capital.  The  real  evils  that  exist  can  be  easily  removed  by 
the  power  vested  in  a  monarchy.  Then  the  author  loses  himself 
in  a  long  discussion  of  hereditary  monarchy,  and  the  good  it  has 
accomplished  in  the  past.  At  the  end  of  it  all  he  again  insists 
that  unity  can  only  lead  to  a  serious  interference  with  the  intel 
lectual  life  of  the  nation  as  a  whole. 

An  interesting  example  of  political  material  incorporated  in 
the  popular  entertainment  literature  may  be  found  in  Zschokke's 
Die  Grundung  von  Maryland  (1851).  Into  this  story  from  the 
early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century  are  interwoven  political 
questions  of  the  nineteenth  in  a  way  absolutely  contrary  to 
historical  truth,  yet  with  such  skill  that  it  does  not  seem  a  glaring 
incongruity. 

He  points  out  that  America  is  becoming  the  refuge  for 
political  exiles.  Through  the  errors  of  the  statesmen,  Europe  is 
being  robbed  of  her  best  men  and  plunged  into  party  strife.  Per 
secutions  in  state  and  church  had  been  instituted  to  enforce 
silence  upon  the  people,  but  it  had  only  served  to  increase  the 
agitation  and  discontent.  The  nation  demanded  lawful  order. 
Only  this  lawful  order  would  be  able  to  bring  true  freedom, 
prevent  anarchy  among  the  people,  and  despotism  on  the  part  of 
the  rulers.  But  lawful  order  could  not  be  instituted  so  long  as 
the  courts  gave  commands  instead  of  laws,  and  the  arbitrary  will 
of  one  person  dominated  the  will  of  each  state. 

The  remedy  according  to  Zschokke  is  to  draw  together 
around  the  throne  of  the  king,  instruct  him  in  the  true  state  of 
affairs,  and  then  put  an  end  to  the  inane  party  strife.  The  indi 
vidual  must  yield  for  the  good  of  the  whole.  In  a  state  that  is 
well  ordered  no  part  of  the  people  should  be  allowed  to  maintain 
a  separate  state.  Pointing  out  that  this  is  the  one  requisite  for 
Germany  he  concluded,  "We  wish  to  be  and  must  be  one  people, 
under  similar  laws  with  common  interests  and  with  one  king."76 


M  Die  Grundung  von  Maryland,  p.  152. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  45 

The  beginning  and  close  of  the  next  period  are  characterized 
by  two  widely  divergent  extremes;  the  gloomy  days  of  reaction 
following  the  Revolution  of  1848,  and  the  happy  days  of  1870- 
71,  when  the  dream  of  the  century  was  realized  in  a  united 
fatherland. 

The  Revolution  was  the  first  attempt  on  the  part  of  the 
Germans  to  regain  that  unity  which  had  been  lost  since  the  mid 
dle  ages.  The  attempt  failed  from  various  causes,  but  chiefly 
because  of  the  hesitancy  of  any  leading  power  to  favor  and  to 
really  direct  the  movement.  The  popular  leaders  too  had  no 
well-defined  plan,  and  were  largely  inspired  to  action  by  the 
spirit  of  the  February  Revolution  in  Paris. 

The  hopes  and  aspirations  of  the  people  had  been  centered 
in  the  German  Parliament,  but  the  enthusiasm  of  the  masses 
was  not  able  to  triumph  over  the  jealous  interests  of  the  princes 
and  their  deep-rooted  inclination  to  disunion,  and  the  whole 
movement  took  an  inglorious  end  in  the  Rump  Parliament.  In 
1851  the  old  Diet  was  re-established  and  the  state  of  affairs  be 
fore  1848  returned.  But  the  struggles  of  these  years  had  not 
been  altogether  without  result.  As  a  rule  great  national  move 
ments  do  not  succeed  at  one  blow,  and  only  through  repeated 
defeat  is  victory  won.  The  debates  of  the  Frankfurt  Parliament 
and  the  gloomy  days  that  followed  its  dissolution  had  cleared 
away  much  of  the  theoretical  mist  with  which  the  idea  of  politi 
cal  unity  had  become  surrounded  during  the  previous  decades. 
A  distinct  program  was  at  last  outlined  by  the  Liberal  party — 
the  establishment  of  a  Confederation  composed  of  all  the  Ger 
man  states,  with  the  exclusion  of  Austria,  under  the  leadership 
of  Prussia. 

The  smouldering  strife  between  Austria  and  Prussia  needed 
but  a  breath  to  break  into  flame.  This  came  from  the  Schles- 
wig-Holstein  controversy.  Bismarck  had  no  faith  in  moral  con 
quest  and  saw  that  national  unity  could  be  realized  only  through 
blood  and  iron.  In  the  war  of  1866  the  sword  cut  asunder  the 
dualistic  knot  and  decided  that  Germany  should  be  guided  by 
Prussia.  Unity  was  however  not  yet  complete  when  the  war 
with  France  broke  out.  But  all  Germany  arose  en  mass  to  repel 


46  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

the  old  enemy.  Enthusiasm  for  the  gigantic  deeds  of  German 
arms  brought  home  to  the  nation  as  a  whole  the  meaning  of 
political  unity  and  all  hearts  were  lifted  above  the  narrow  limits 
of  petty  states  into  the  heights  of  a  united  political  state.  The  mo 
ment  had  come,  the  whole  nation,  north  and  south,  wanted  unity 
and  no  German  government,  no  German  statesman  was  able  or 
minded  to  prevent  it.  Bavaria  took  the  initiative,  Wiirtemberg, 
Saxony,  Hesse  and  the  rest  followed,  and  by  a  united  vote  the 
crown  was  offered  to  the  king  of -Prussia  and  accepted  by  him 
January  18,  1871.  The  dream  of  centuries,  the  longing  and 
efforts  of  the  numerous  generations  of  patriots  was  thus  crowned 
with  fulfillment.  Germany  had  again  gained  its  political  unity, 
its  prestige  and  its  liberty. 

The  period  then  was  one  of  struggle  and  transformation. 
The  old  ideas  and  institutions  of  the  past  had  proven  their  use- 
lessness  and  the  people  began  to  build  their  hopes  on  a  sane  de 
velopment  and  growth  of  the  nation  at  large  in  all  phases  of 
social  and  civic  life.  The  problems  of  this  development,  trans 
formation  and  growth  were  those  that  found  treatment  in  the 
novel. 

The  historical  novels  of  this  period  were  as  a  whole  far  in 
ferior  to  those  of  the  preceding  and  following  periods.  This 
was  in  large  measure  due  to  the  new  attitude  towards  history. 
History  was  no  longer  merely  a  consideration  of  men  and  events, 
but  to  these  was  added  as  a  background,  and  at  times  even  as 
a  foreground,  the  civic,  social  and  intellectual  life  of  the  times 
portrayed.  This  brought  a  vast  amount  of  new  and  interesting 
material  for  the  use  of  the  novel  writer,  but  it  in  turn  too  often 
received  the  chief  emphasis  and  the  historical  novel  ceased  to  be 
a  piece  of  poetic  art.  Such  was  the  case  in  the  novels  of  Muhl- 
bach,  Godsehe,  Riehl,  and  even  Laube,  and  only  the  ex 
ceptional  writers,  such  as  Scheffel,  or  Freytag,  were  able  to 
keep  the  historical  element  within  the  proper  bounds.  Contem 
porary  history  did  not  adapt  itself  to  this  type  of  novel,  as  it 
was  too  new  to  grant  the  required  perspective.  Hence  it  was 
that  in  these  novels  existing  political  ideas  in  general  and  na 
tional  unity  in  particular  received  but  scant  treatment. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  47 

Although  his  novels  contain  no  direct  treatment  of  political 
unity,  Frey tag's  great  Ahnen  cycle  deserves  brief  mention  here. 
This  "national  epic  in  novel  form"  marks  the  highest  growth  of 
that  type  of  patriotic  novel  which  had  found  its  best  treatment  in 
Alexis'  Brandenburg  series.    Alexis,  however,  was  writing  for  a 
Germany  that  was  not  yet  united,  while  Freytag  wrote  amidst 
the  stirring  events  of  1870-71.     Just  for  this  reason  the  novels 
of  Alexis  are  more  valuable  documents  in  the  literary  treatment 
of  German  unity.     The  problem  could  no  longer  interest  in  any 
marked  degree  the  imagination  of  a  Freytag.     His  portrayal  of 
the  historical  unity  of  the  race,  the  intellectual  and  social  de 
velopment  of  his  people  from  heathen  days  to  the  stormy  days 
of  1848  was  however  one  that  could  be  appreciated  far  better 
by  the  entire  new   realm  than  the  equally  patriotic  efforts   of 
Alexis,  who  was  writing  for  a  discouraged  people  and  a  nation 
without  unity.    Alexis  was  not  granted  the  privilege  of  depicting 
the  joys  of  1870-71,  and  one  cannot  but  regret,  in  spite  of  the 
artistic  weakness   of   the   later   volumes,   that   Freytag  did   not 
give  his  cycle  a  worthy  conclusion  in  a  final  volume  dealing  with 
the  events  of  1866  and  1870-71. 

All  the  more  frequently  did  these  political  elements  receive 
treatment  in  the  "Zeitroman,"  which  reached  its  highest  growth 
during  this  period.  The  problems  and  conflicts  in  state,  church, 
and  society  offered  abundant  material  for  use.  Its  very  com 
plexity  defied  solution,  and  just  for  that  reason  enticed  many  to 
attempt  it.^  The  social  and  civic  ideals  of  the  previous  decades 
had  proven  inadequate  and  disasterous.  The  causes  of  this  fail 
ure  were  sought  out  and  depicted  and  the  new  task  was  to  set  up 
new  ideals  in  the  light  of  past  errors.  The  new  literature  was 
essentially  optimistic  and  sought  to  emphasize  the  best  that  was 
present  in  the  life  of  the  time  and  to  draw  from  it  hopeful  con 
clusions  for  the  future. 

One  of  the  foremost  figures  in  the  literary  activity  of  the 
previous  period  had  been  Karl  Gutzkow.  In  and  around  him 
were  centered  the  ideals  and  endeavors  of  the  Young  Germans. 
In  journalistic  work,  in  the  drama  and  the  novel,  he  had  been 
the  banner  carrier  of  this  second  Storm  and  Stress.  During  the 


48  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

fourth  decade  he  had  devoted  himself  to  winning  fame  in 
the  drama.  After  the  revolution  he  again  returned  to  the  novel 
and  offered  his  most  pretentious  works,  Die  Ritter  vom  Geiste 
and  Der  Zauberer  von  Rom. 

In  his  journalistic  activity  Gutzkow  had  made  the  claim 
that  literature  must  educate  the  Germans  to  unity  of  political 
consciousness  and  to  the  attainment  and  possession  of  political 
freedom.  He  saw  the  realization  of  a  united  nation  only  in  the 
form  of  a  federal  state.  By  treaties  and  agreements,  by  force  if 
need  be,  he  would  free  the  states  from  provincialism  and  define 
to  them  the  objects  for  which  they  should  strive.  He  advised  the 
building  up  of  a  parliamentary  government  in  each  state  until 
the  time  should  come  when  they  could  consolidate  into  a  Ger 
man  parliament.  He  sought  to  remove  everything  that  threat 
ened  to  hinder  the  growth  of  the  realm  into  freedom  and  unity, 
the  dynastic  jealousy,  the  indifference  of  the  masses,  petty  politi 
cal  scheming  and  the  false  hopes  of  the  Liberalists  of  unity 
through  foreign  aid.  Side  by  side  with  the  reforms  in  political 
life  should  go  the  reforms  in  church  and  society  and  economic 
conditions. 

He  believed  that  progress  could  only  come  through  culture 
and  that  the  spirit  of  progress  should  decide  all  perplexing  ques 
tions.  When  the  ideals  of  the  previous  decades  suffered  ship 
wreck  in  the  revolution,  Gutzkow  still  believed  that  his  favorite 
ideal  contained  the  germ  of  success  in  it.  To  give  it  definite 
expression  he  wrote  his  "nebeneinander"  novel,  Die  Ritter  vom 
Geiste  (1850-51).  Individual  effort,  party  activity,  even  revolu 
tion  had  failed  to  achieve  any  permanent  result,  so  the  task  was 
to  be  given  to  the  Ritter  vom  Geiste,  those  spirits,  who,  tem 
pered  by  past  failure,  should  join  in  themselves  the  scattered  par 
ties  and  should  work  with  unselfish  spirit  for  progress  in  all  lines 
of  activity,  for  freedom,  for  self-culture.  The  ability  to  yield 
one's  self  to  the  ideal  of  national  and  individual  progress  alone 
was  the  necessary  qualification  for  membership  in  this  band. 
Gutzkow  has  not,  and  was  not  able,  to  show  in  any  definite  way 
how  these  knights  are  to  attain  their  purpose,  but  he  does  give  a 
satisfying  picture  of  their  general  mood,  their  desires  and  in- 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  49 

tents  without  limiting  their  striving  through  concrete  purposes. 
But  Gutzkow's  purpose  of  promulgating  the  idea,  of  comforting 
his  contemporaries  with  the  thought  that  all  was  not  yet  lost, 
that  the  ideal  was  still  in  true  hands  and  would  be  effective  in 
the  future,  was  realized. 

Nowhere  in  the  novel  does  he  mention  German  unity. 
However  as  the  central  idea  of  the  novel  evidently  came  from 
Arndt,  who  in  1817  conceived  the  achievement  of  national  unity 
as  possible  through  the  united  efforts  of  a  band  of  likeminded 
men,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  somehow  Gutzkow  expected 
these  knights  to  solve,  among  other  problems,  the  perplexing  one 
of  German  unity. 

As  has  already  been  noted,  the  old  question  of  the  relation 
of  church  and  state  had  been  revived  with  new  power  during  the 
early  decades  of  the  century.  The  student  corps  and  other  free 
dom  loving  organizations  had  denied  the  rights  of  the  Pope  in 
the  direction  of  state  affairs,  or  of  the  state  in  the  direction  of 
church  affairs.  Young  Germany  continued  the  protest  and  de 
mand.  They  praised  the  Reformation  as  being  a  step  in  advance 
in  the  freeing  of  thought,  but  regretted  the  fact  that  it  had  not 
completed  the  task.  The  schism  in  church  matters  had  through 
the  resultant  war  been  once  for  all  made  permanent,  and  this 
schism  was  one  of  the  chief  hindrances  to  political  unity  and 
civic  freedom.  The  Young  Germans  had  vigorously  opposed  the 
growing  encroachments  of  the  church,  which  here  and  there  was 
winning  its  old  power  over  the  petty  states  and  was  striving  to 
suppress  the  growing  popular  opinion  in  political  affairs. 

This  encroachment  ran  counter  to  Gutzkow's  idea  of  free 
development,  and  in  Der  Zaitberer  von  Rom  (1858-61)  he  em 
bodied  his  objections  and  issued  a  warning  note.  In  the  intro 
duction  he  states  the  cause  of  his  anxiety  and  defines  the  pur 
pose  of  his  novel.  "The  strife  of  the  Welfs  and  Gibilines  is  not 
yet  ended.  Unity  is  not  yet  attained.  We  have  the  Liga,  have 
the  Union,  but  who  can  confidently  assure  us  that  the  father 
land  will  not  see  a  second  battle  at  Muhlbach,  the  most  dangerous 
hour  of  our  history.  The  sorry  inheritance  of  old,  the  division 
between  North  and  South,  may  perhaps  be  the  breach  through 


50  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

which  our  sanctuaries,  language,  culture  and  public  weal  can  be 
taken  by  storm,  and  sooner  or  later  it  will  be  decided  whether 
the  world  belongs  to  the  Slavs,  the  Kelto-Romans  or  the  Ger 
mans.  The  following  work  will  endeavor  so  far  as  the  impotent 
word  is  effective  to  work  for  German  unity.  It  is  intended  to 
warn,  to  cheer,  to  show  the  dangers  of  the  fowler's  pipe,  and 
would  give  the  Christian  people  more  worthy  goals  than  the 
Fata  Morgana  of  the  Romish  world  has  yet  shown.  It  intends 
to  stir  up  the  German  courage  for  the  coming  struggle,  help 
nourish  century  old  pride,  and  intends  to  follow  the  traitors  of 
our  own  camp  into  their  secret  paths  of  darkness." 

The  author  had  expected  that  the  book  would  arouse  a 
furor  in  Germany,  but  he  confesses  in  the  preface  to  the  second 
edition  that  it  had  been  received  with  tolerant  silence.  "In  this 
silence  and  the  many  letters  which  the  author  has  received,  the 
fact  is  made  clear  that  the  message  of  the  book — a  clarified 
Catholicism  free  from  Rome — correspond  to  a  feeling  shared  by 
a  majority  of  the  Catholics  in  Germany,  and  it  requires  only  the 
help  of  our  political  institutions,  especially  of  our  Catholic 
princes  to  bring  about  the  unity  of  the  fatherland  through  sepa 
ration  from  Rome." 

Gutzkow  was,  however,  unable  to  carry  out  completely  this 
program.  We  get  a  more  or  less  distinct  picture  of  the  intrigues, 
plans  and  objects  of  the  church,  but  no  definite  suggestion  as  to 
how  separation  from  Rome  is  to  be  brought  about  and  how  the 
desired  religious  unity  is  to  be  instituted  when  the  separation  has 
been  accomplished. 

Treating  the  same  theme  as  Die  Rittcr  votn  Geiste,  but 
lacking  the  artistic  energy  of  his  model,  Gustav  Ktihne  wrote 
Die  Freimaurer  (1855).  He  too  would  bring  about  political 
unity  through  the  uniting  power  of  some  one  universal  thought. 

He  deplores  the  fact  that  the  initial  step  towards  unity  had 
not  been  made  years  before.77  "For  a  golden  age  we  need  first 
a  German  Augustus.  From  whence  such  a  one  is  to  come  after 
the  Prussian  Frederick  but  half  understood  his  task,  is,  under 


"Die  Freimaurer,  gi. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  51 

the  present  condition  of  affairs,  hard  to  say.  He  struck  to  pieces 
the  sorry  remnants  of  the  Roman-German  realm,  but  it  never 
occurred  to  him  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  new  structure." 

The  difficulties  to  be  overcome  and  the  remedy  are  very 
clear  in  his  mind.78  "I  hear  much  said  of  the  difference  between 
Upper  and  Lower  Germany,  but  it  seems  to  me  we  have  those 
contrasts  everywhere.  A  journey  of  a  few  miles  is  sufficient  to 
show  that.  The  whole  nature  of  this  people  and  this  land  seem 
to  warrant  these  manifold  contrasts.  If  only  some  powerful 
thought  or  idea  held  these  diverging  Germans  together.  But  in 
this  inclination  towards  disunions  all  powers  are  exhausted.  With 
rare  stubborness  each  insists  all  the  more  zealously  on  his  own 
opinion,  the  less  distinct  the  differences  may  seem.  I  do  not  know 
how  this  thousandfold  dismembered  Germany  shall  be  able  to 
conceive  a  common  ideal  and  so  come  into  their  own  rights. 
Each  stands  isolated  and  alone,  watching,  however,  with  jealous 
eye  every  move  of  the  other.  This  hundredfold  independence  no 
longer  bound  or  united  by  any  great  ideal,  they  call  freedom.  It 
seems  disunion  rests  like  a  curse  on  this  people.  They  bow  be 
fore  inherited  tyranny  and  on  the  quiet  found  secret  clubs  where 
altars  are  erected  to  freedom.  But  truth  should  not  remain 
quietly  in  the  hidden  nooks,  but  out  in  life.  A  lodge  of  free 
men  must  surely  have  power  to  make  propaganda  and  so  lead 
the  nation  to  seek  in  itself  the  new  salvation." 

Like  Gutzkow,  Kiihne  gives  us  the  ideal  picture  and  does 
not  weigh  it  down  with  practical  plans  and  results. 

Among  the  Young  German  "Epigonen"  must  also  be 
reckoned  Max  Waldau  (Georg  Spiller  von  Hauenschild).  In 
some  of  his  lyric  productions  he  shows  himself  an  ardent  patriot, 
who  sings  of  German  unity.  In  the  post-revolutionary  poem 
"Oh  These  Days"  he  bemoans  the  disrupted  condition  of  his 
country,  the  unfortunate  party  strife  and  the  gloomy  reaction. 

"A  corporal  home,  we  ask  for  the  German  soul, 
A  Germany,  one  only,  not  thirty  lands, 
Free  German  soil  for  a  free  German  flock, 
One  single  unit  only,  not  scattered  bands." 


nlbid, 


52  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

Much  of  this  same  spirit  finds  expression  in  his  novels.  In 
political  affairs  he  would  humanize  the  aristocracy  through  the 
spirit,  and  democracy,  through  form,  and  like  Gutzkow  he  be 
lieves  in  the  unifying  power  of  an  all  powerful  idea.  His  ideas 
regarding  unity  are  expressed  to  some  extent  in  Aus  der  Junker- 
welt  (1850),  but  more  definitely  in  the  far  more  artistically  writ 
ten  Nach  der  Natur  (1851).  But  even  here  we  have  the  ideas 
expressed  in  subjective  reflections  rather  than  in  objective 
activity. 

Through  the  artist,  Stein,  Waldau  justifies  the  introduction 
of  "tendenz"  into  the  literature  of  the  day  and  into  his  own 
novels.79     He  regards  its  introduction  as  necessary.     Pamphlets 
and  programs  had  failed  to  reach  the  people,  but  a  book  that 
looked  like  a  novel  came  into  the  hands  of  thousands.     The 
ideas  of  the  day  incorporated  in  flesh  and  blood,  depicted  as  eat 
ing  and  drinking  like  other  men  gradually  win  their  way  and 
find  a  public.     "The  times  demand  'tendenz/  the  whole  trend 
of  affairs  demands  it;  it  is  a  child  of  the  times  and  so  justified." 
This  same  Stein  is  made  the  spokesman  of  Waldau's  politi 
cal  message.     To  him  the  highest  ideal  in  civic  life  is  to  be  a 
man.80    "I  came  into  the  world  as  a  man.     I  know  of  no  other 
intellectual  or  material  classification.     Even  the  thought  that  I 
am  a  German  neither  depresses  nor  fills  me  with  pride.    Brightly 
painted  boundary  posts,  mother  tongue  and  race  peculiarities  are 
trifles  which  bother  me  but  little,  as  according  to  my  convictions 
they  but  hamper  and  postpone  the  task  of  the  human  race.     This 
task  is,  stripping  off  the  perverse  trumpery  and  becoming  united 
and  strong  in  West  and  East,  in  North  and  South,  to  be  men 
and  to  enjoy  and  suffer  whatever  our  lot  may  be." 

The  failure  of  the  Revolution  he  thought  was  due  to  the 
lack  of  a  centralized  purpose.81  "That  the  Revolution  was 
necessary  was  recognized  by  all.  It  was  fought  however  with 
out  knowing  the  name  of  the  desired  right :  one  expected  to  find 


"Nach  der  Nattir.  T,  88. 
"  Ibid,  I,  79. 
Hfbid,  III,  91. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  53 

a  name  as  soon  as  it  was  born.  It  came,  but  the  antiquated  Lib 
eralism  palmed  off  on  us  a  monster  instead  of  a  newborn  politi 
cal  Germany;  instead  of  fresh,  vigorous  ideas,  old  student-corps 
dreams,  which  on  account  of  their  antiquated  character  could  not 
stand  the  test.  The  child  had  now  a  name,  but  it  was  not  the 
Messiah.  They  called  together  parliaments  and  parleyed  with 
the  dynasties  without  any  gain  for  the  people.  And  yet  it  was 
after  all  only  a  question  of  the  people.  Every  considerate  re 
gard  for  princely  families  is  and  remains  foolishness.  To  favor 
one  person  before  a  world  of  millions  is  a  monstrosity." 

So  long  as  this  cringing  to  despotic  princes  exists  there  can 

be  no  hope  of  relief.82    Wiegsdorf,   a  Republican,   voices  this 

opinion  to  Stein.    "Do  not  paint  for  Germany,  a  people  of  princes 

but  whose  inhabitants  are  not  even  a  people.   Woe  to  the  poet  of 

France  or  England  who  would  dare  to  scorn  the  land  that  gave 

him  birth,  and  woe  to  the  poet  of  Germany  who  does  not  have 

a  curse  for  that  hussy,  Germania,  who  squanders  the  property 

of  her  children  for  trifles.    For  Germany  there  is  no  delivery  so 

long  as  there  are  states,  so  long  as  the  poor  orphan  children  are 

not  carried  off  and  sold  before  the  eyes  of  the  mother.     Then, 

perhaps,  she  will  awaken,  but  only  then.     (Not  even  then  as  the 

fate  of  Schleswig-Holstein  shows.)83    Let  us  be  men.    The  fate 

that  will  not  let  us  be  Germans  helps  us  on  a  step.     Or  do  you 

not  believe  me?     Have  you  confidence  in  that  miserable  juice 

that  suddenly  colors  the  ribbons  black-red-gold?    How  will  you 

found  a  nation  when  the  Frankfurt  babblers  cringe?    How  will 

you  found  a  federal  state  when  permission  must  be  humbly  asked 

from  the  government  and  their  representatives.     German  unity 

on  such  a  basis  is  perfidious,  rotten  nonsense,  a  miserable  lie, 

which  at  most  could  find  support  only  in  the  press  of  a  land  to 

which  supremacy  is  to  be  presented  as  a  Christmas  gift.     But  I 

told  you  that  some  time  ago.    If  you  do  not  agree  with  me,  then 

look  upon  the  forsaken  betrothed  of  Friedrich   Halden.     You 

believe  she  is  dying  of  love  or  some  other  beautiful  cause.    I  tell 


"  Ibid,  I,  35. 

"Ibid;  note  to  second  edition. 


54  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

you  this  girl  is  a  true  example  of  the  vileness  which  rules  to-day 
in  Germany;  she  dies  of  an  unfulfilled  desire  for  a — coronet. 
Let  her  die  without  any  ado  about  it ;  it  is  good  that  she  has  not 
borne,  that  she  does  not  leave  behind  her  any  heirs  to  her  opin 
ions.  Are  these  the  mothers  of  the  future"  ? 

A  Republic  could,  according  to  Waldau,  succeed  in  estab 
lishing  unity,  but  in  other  matters  it  would  be  dangerous.84 
Stein  is  asked,  "And  so  you  seek  the  solution  of  every  problem 
in  a  Republic"?  "Yes,  for  certain  purposes;  for  example,  for 
a  united  Germany ;  not  otherwise.  For  any  other  purpose  a  Re 
public  is  dangerous,  for  it  comes  too  close  to  the  natural  condi 
tion,  to  existence,  side  by  side  (nebeneinander),  than  that  the 
slightest  additional  step — the  abolishment  of  the  individual 
states — might  seem  necessary;  and  yet  it  must  some  time  be 
made  in  order  to  remove  the  last  barrier  between  all  creatures 
and  their  just  rights." 

He  does  not  believe  in  segregation,  at  any  rate  he  does  not 
believe  that  it  can  be  instituted. sn  "Suppose  the  people  had 
gained  their  freedom  from  their  prison  masters  and  began  to 
treat  with  each  other  directly.  In  their  attempts  to  crystallize 
among  themselves  and  to  reject  all  foreign  elements,  they  would 
soon  find  conflicting  interests.  Resistance  would  invite 
force  and  destruction.  Among  the  conflicting  interests 
some  of  them  would  necessarily  have  to  be  sacrificed.  When  this 
had  been  done  and  progress  made  towards  the  contemplated  seg 
regation,  it  will  be  noticed  that  the  most  important  step  had  al 
ready  been  taken,  that  the  desired  segregation  had  brought  about 
the  strongest  unity.  Individual  ownership  (Einzelbesitz)  sepa 
rates  men  and  forms  states,  while  the  living  together  (Zusam- 
menleben)  of  all  humanity,  in  lieu  of  a  better  word,  can  only 
form  a  universal  confederate  state.  To  me  the  universal  level 
ing  seems  only  possible  through  the  national  struggles  of  our 
day,  and  in  the  way  already  mentioned.  I  fotfnd  the  way  to 
unity  first  when  I  saw  the  whole  world  striving  for  separation." 


"Ibid,  III.Qi. 
"Ibid,  III,  95- 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  55 

He  has  a  definite  idea  of  the  offices  of  a  worthy  leader.86 
"We  need  a  guiding  hand,  but  the  people  must  remain  the  head. 
The  hand  must  be  allowed  to  execute  only  what  the  head  dic 
tates.  The  name  of  this  hand,  whether  it  be  King  or  President, 
seems  to  be  of  little  importance,  but  it  must  at  once  be  cut  off,  if 
it  does  not  prove  equal  to  the  task  assigned  it." 

Finally  he  recognizes  this  hand  in  Prussia.87  "We  are  in 
Silesia,  so  then  on  Prussian  soil,  the  land  to  which  the  history  of 
the  world  does  not  grow  weary  of  dancing  attendance ;  and  it 
will  not  cease  to  do  so  as  long  as  states  exist  in  Germany,  for  all 
the  other  states  can  offer  absolutely  no  anchor  for  the  future.  I 
shall  not  speak  of  the  good  qualities  of  Prussia.  I  speak  only  of 
the  inefficiency  of  the  other  states  and  conclude  without  sym 
pathy,  but  not  without  antipathy,  that  so  long  as  one  existing 
state  must  be  the  axis  of  future  events  in  Germany,  the  eye  of 
Germany  will  rest  on  Prussia." 

The  three  chief  novels  of  Meiszner-Hedrich,  Die  Sansara 
(1858),  Schvuarzgelb  (1862-4),  and  Babel  (1867),  differ  con 
siderably  in  subject  matter,  but  follow  in  the  main  the  old  type 
of  "Zeitroman."  The  first  was  a  "salon-novel"  with  reminis 
cences  of  Byron,  the  last  two  political  "Zeitromane"  of  the  usual 
type. 

In  Sansara  the  author  seems  to  favor  states  union.  He  has 
no  sympathy  with  all  the  ranting  about  the  petty  states.88  "The 
Germans  are  continually  being  told  that  they  are  not  a  nation 
because  they  are  divided  into  states.  No  matter  how  thoroughly 
false,  no  matter  how  humorous  the  claim,  it  is  accepted  without 
consideration  and  proclaimed  broadcast.  Perhaps  this  life  in 
small  states  is  after  all  a  higher  type  of  civic  life.  That  the 
United  States  of  America  are  united  states  and  not  a  united  state, 
that  Switzerland  consists  of  cantons,  seems  to  cause  no  com 
plaint,  but  the  rant  about  the  German  petty  states  is  universal." 

Meiszner  believes  that  Germany  owes  infinitely  much  to  its 
minor  states,  and  that  civic  life  in  these  states  is  vastly  superior 

"Ibid,  I,  81. 
"Ibid,  II,  7- 
"*  Sansara,  IV,  39. 


56  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

to  that  in  the  larger  states.  "It  may  cost  more,  but  consider  the 
advantage.  If  we  inquire  whence  it  is  that  education  and  cul 
ture  are  so  highly  developed  in  Germany  as  nowhere  else,  do  we 
not  find  that  it  is  because  all  do  not  strive  towards  one  center, 
while  the  outer  segments  of  the  circle  grow  torpid?  The  indi 
vidual  petty  state  grants  its  inhabitants  greater  freedom.  Supe 
rior  forms  of  government  can  best  be  realized  within  limited  ter 
ritory.  How  could  a  prince  presume  to  become  a  tyrant?  He 
is  forced  to  deal  humanely  with  his  people,  for  no  circle  of  bayo 
nets  separate  him  from  them.  Just  as  little  as  a  school  is  better 
when  increased  by  a  hundred  pupils,  just  so  little  is  a  state  of 
half  a  million  ruled  better  when  two  millions  are  added.  To  be 
sure  these  states  are  denied  the  right  of  a  voice  in  the  questions 
of  the  balance  of  power,  but  how  dearly  this  honor  has  to  be 
bought.  The  lives  led  by  these  states  can  only  be  an  enviable  one 
until  the  universal  bond  is  found  which  can  unite  them." 

We  are  not  told  what  this  universal  bond  is  but  Meiszner 
seems  to  favor  a  states  union  under  the  leadership  of  one  of  the 
great  powers. 

There  are  but  few  references  to  unity  in  Schwarzgelb  and  in 
Babel.  The  scene  of  these  is  laid  in  Austria,  the  first  during  the 
reaction  following  1848,  the  second  during  the  socalled  rejuvina- 
tion  of  Austria  in  1859.  For  our  purpose  the  latter  may  serve 
as  an  example.  The  conflicting  views  of  the  day  are  likened  to 
the  tower  of  Babel.  Whoever  adds  new  theories  is  invited  to  help 
build  the  tower.89  "That  matters  cannot  remain  as  they  are, 
that  domestic  and  national  affairs  should  be  discussed  and  man 
aged  in  a  parliament  all  are  agreed.  When  it  came  however  to 
settling  the  first  necessary  questions,  the  old  strife  was  renewed. 
One  party  was  in  favor  of  building  the  tower  as  one  complete 
circular  structure,  another  would  have  two  towers,  a  third  five 
or  six.  If  the  single  towers  were  made  similar  in  style,  com 
plaint  was  made  of  leveling,  the  builders  begarr  to  quarrel  and 
soon  separated  as  sworn  enemies.  In  short  all  is  Babel,  that,  is, 
confusion." 


"Babel,  III,   185. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  iSjo  57 

The  remedy  Meiszner  sees  in  a  dignified  parliamentary  bodv 
which  could  put  an  end  to  the  weak  and  useless  party  strife,  have 
power  to  act  effectively  and  so  bring  some  unity  into  such  diverse 
forces.  Such  a  body  would  be  able  to  bring  about  an  understand 
ing  between  those  who  wished  a  separation  of  Austria  from  Ger 
many  and  those  who  wished  the  unity  of  the  two. 

The  Revolution  of  1848  marked  the  bankruptcy  of  the  ideal 
istic  dreams  of  the  previous  decades,  and  realism  began  to  be  the 
watch  word.  The  "Zeitroman"  of  the  older  type,  represented  by 
Gutzkow,  was  regarded  as  essentially  idealistic,  though  it  drew 
its  material  from  the  real  world.  In  its  place  there  grew  up  a 
new  type  of  novel  which .  was  to  show  the  German  people  not 
amidst  their  idealistic  dreaming  but  at  work.  The  ideals  of  the 
Knights  of  the  Holy  Ghost  must  give  way  to  the  incontestable 
facts  of  the  scientist,  the  historian,  the  sociologist,  and  the  practi 
cal  statesman.  This  type  of  novel  did  not  preach  ideals,  but 
social  reform,  civic  progress  and  national  development.  The 
state  was  no  longer  an  idea  but  a  reality  dependent  for  its  found 
ing  only  upon  the  proper  adjustment  of  the  social  body.  The 
individual  was  but  one  in  the  rank  and  file.  And  when  he  recog 
nized  this  and  in  his  proper  place  worked  for  freedom  and  social 
growth,  it  was  believed  the  day  would  then  come  when  the 
nation  would  be  free  and  united.  Freytag's  success  in  Soil  und 
Haben  opened  the  way;  Spielhagen  and  Auerbach  followed  and 
the  new  type  ruled  supreme  until  it  in  turn  gave  way  to 
Naturalism. 

Whatever  may  be  the  present  day  estimate  of  Spielhagen's 
literary  activity,  the  vast  importance  of  his  influence  on  German 
life  and  politics  during  the  sixth  and  seventh  decades  must  be 
recognized  at  its  highest  worth.  In  the  gloomy  days  of  reaction 
he  drew  for  the  German  people  a  bright  picture  of  the  future. 
Like  Dr.  Berger  in  Problematische  Naturen,  he  preaches  the 
hopeful  message:  "Through  darkness  to  light,  through  struggle 
to  victory."  Idle  dreaming  was  not  enough,  but  each  must 
do  his  part.  "I  am  convinced  that  we  cannot  reach  our  goal 
through  pious  wishes  but  that  through  worldly  means  we  must 
accomplish  our  desired  ends."  Spielhagen  belongs  to  no  party 


58  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

and  yet  like  Alexis  he  fought  for  the  rights  of  liberal  citizenship 
and  took  sides  against  all  that  in  any  way  checked  or  destroyed 
the  development  of  Germany  to  unity  and  freedom. 

National  unity  was  to  him  an  ideal  which  the  German  peo 
ple  could  appreciate  without  the  help  of  the  poet's  imagination. 
The  trend  of  affairs  in  his  day  pointed  only  too  surely  to  a  unity 
through  a  confederation  of  the  German  states,  dependent  for  its 
accomplishment  on  the  proper  development  of  the  civic  body. 
Although  the  contents  of  his  novels  deal  with  the  problems  of 
society  at  large,  he  depicts  some  of  his  characters  as  striving  for 
national  unity.  He  and  his  readers  may  not  agree  with  the 
plans  of  these  heroes  but  the  laudable  goal  of  their  desires  and 
the  sincerity  of  their  endeavors  is  depicted  with  a  sympathy  and 
truthfulness  that  was  not  lost  on  the  Germans  of  that  day  and 
is  not  without  appreciative  readers  even  in  our  later  day.  Such 
characters  can  be  found  to  some  extent  in  Problematische 
Naturen  (1861),  In  Reih  und  died  (1866),  Hammer  und 
Ambosz  (1869)  but  they  are  depicted  with  greater  detail  in 
Die  von  Hohenstein  (1863)  and  this  novel  may  here  serve  as  a 
type  of  Spielhagen's  treatment. 

The  novel  has  as  a  background  the  days  of  48.  Miinzer, 
Holm,  Schmitz  and  Degenfeld  are  the  chief  revolutionists  who 
are  striving  for  freedom  and  unity.  The  monarchists  are  rep 
resented  chiefly  by  the  two  brothers,  the  President  and  Colonel 
von  Hohenstein.  They  too  hope  for  ultimate  unity  but  expect  it 
along  conservative  lines  and  are  bitterly  opposed  to  revolutionary 
methods. 

The  position  of  the  first  group  towards  the  questions  of  the 
day  is  outlined  in  an  imaginary  speech  which  Miinzer  makes  to 
the  assembled  students.90  "It  is  no  mere  play,  it  is  no  mere 
empty  honor  for  which  you  are  striving.  Let  those,  who  are  wiser 
than  you,  decide  what  is  right  and  what  is  necessary.  But  that 
their  decrees  may  receive  acceptance,  that  the  voiee  of  the  Senate 
may  not  echo  unheard,  we  need  youthful  and  vigorous  patriots 
who  have  the  courage  to  act,  aye  to  fight  when  peaceful  means 


M  Die  von  Hohenstein,  44. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  59 

no  longer  suffice.  Or  perhaps  you  believe  the  golden  seeds 
of  freedom  will  be  like  the  wheat  which  fell  upon  good  ground 
and  brought  forth  fruit  some  a  hundred  fold,  some  a  thousand 
fold?  Do  you  believe  that  the  dumb  philistine  souls  will  ever 
conceive  what  freedom  is?  That  the  arrogant  aristocratic  heart 
will  ever  beat  for  equality  ?  That  pope  and  priest  after  imprison 
ing  and  excommunicating  the  heretic  for  centuries  will  easily  be 
come  enthusiastic  about  brotherly  fraternity.  No  and  again  no! 
Might  still  passes  for  right  and  so  right  must  be  might.  That  i? 
the  deep  import  of  our  cause  which  seems  to  our  opponents  so 
childish.  With  human  rights  in  one  hand,  and  the  sword  in 
the  other,  thus  and  not  otherwise  will  freedom  make  its  way 
through  this  nation." 

The  position  of  the  other  group  is  just  as  clearly  defined  in 
a  conversation  between  the  brothers  von  Hohenstein.91  The 
Colonel  would  quell  the  political  agitation  by  force.  "I  wish  that 
for  one  month  I  had  unlimited  power,  and  from  here  to  the 
Russian  boundary  there  would  be  left  only  isolated  examples  of 
this  brood  and  these  would  creep  into  a  hole  so  soon  as  they 
caught  the  gleam  of  a  bayonet.  But  instead  of  this  one  begins 
to  parley  with  them  and  to  call  together  assemblies  to  council 
about  unity  of  government  policy." 

The  President  would  let  them  spend  their  energy  in  useless 
efforts.  "A  parliamentary  government  is  nonsense.  Mob  re 
mains  mob  and  nothing  can  be  done  for  them  in  spite  of  the  wild 
theories  of  our  socialists  and  communistic  philanthropists.  When 
the  people  have  shouted  themselves  hoarse  and  worn  themselves 
out,  they  will  be  able  to  see  for  themselves,  though  I  do  not  mean 
to  say  that  it  would  not  be  well  to  occasionally  help  this  sane 
view  by  some  physical  arguments  ad  hominem." 

"What  is  occasionally?"  cried  the  Colonel  "It  seems  to  me 
every  moment  is  the  suitable  one  for  striking  a  blow  for  one's 
king.  Just  have  a  conference  with  them  regarding  constitutions 
and  you  will  see  what  concessions  you  have  to  make  in  spite  of  all 
your  wisdom." 

91  Ibid,  i2Qf. 


60  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

"Perhaps  the  matter  is  not  so  bad,  dear  brother,  when  two 
parties  want  to  agree,  if  no  deciding  judge  is  present,  the  stronger 
party  is  usually  victorious.  An  assembly — a  la  bonne  heure— 
could,  even  though  but  transitory,  be  a  cause  of  disturbance.  But 
our  good  Germans  will  never  come  to  that.  Assemblies  that  are 
called  together  to  arrive  at  a  harmonious  agreement  have  from 
the  very  first  the  germ  of  death  in  them.  And  the  assembly  in 
the  Main  city?  This  dream  of  German  unity  will  soon  be 
dreamed  out.  The  Germans  are  good  monarchists  in  spite  of 
divers  Republicans  who  would  prove  the  contrary.  They  will  not 
lay  violent  hands  on  their  princess,  and  until  the  Hohenzollern 
have  come  to  an  agreement  with  the  Habsburgers,  the  Welfs  with 
the  Wittelbachers  and  the  others  concerning  a  system  of  govern 
ment — until  then  everything  will  remain  as  it  is." 

The  mutual  relations  of  these  two  groups  is  defined  in  a 
conversation  between  Miinzer  and  President  von  Hohenstein. 
In  speaking  of  their  mutual  points  of  contact  the  President  points 
out  that  in  many  ways  their  aims  are  the  same  but  that  they 
differ  on  the  method  of  attainment.92  "You  wish  for  the  welfare 
of  our  fatherland.  You  wish  a  united,  strong,  and  free  Germany. 
I  desire  the  one  as  well  as  the  other.  You  however  want  it  made 
possible  to-day.  I,  because  I  believe  that  in  this  violent  way  the 
goal  can  never  be  attained,  desire  that  we  make  no  third  or 
fourth  step  without  first  having  considered  well  the  first  and 
second." 

"No,  Mr.  President.  Two  thousand  years  ago  they  called 
it  foolishness  to  put  new  wine  into  old  casks.  That  however 
is  the  efforts  of  the  best  of  your  party  who  are  striving  as  you 
say  for  a  free,  united  and  powerful  Germany.  But  the  others? 
They  want  nothing  more  than  to  preserve  the  old  delusion,  the  old 
night  in  which  man  has  so  long  wandered  without  light.  They 
desire  only  to  keep  their  old  privileges  which  make  the  equality 
and  brotherhood  of  man  a  delusion  and  a  mocke?y." 

The  President  then  points  out,  and  Miinzer  must  agree  with 
him  in  part  that  he  cannot  replace  the  old  wheels  in  the  govern 
ment  machine  with  new  ones.  "What  follows?  That  you  must 

"Ibid,  301. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  18/0  61 

reckon  with  the  old  factors  which  you  cannot  replace  with  new 
ones.  That  you  from  lack  of  fresh  water,  will  have  to  wash 
the  state  for  a  time  in  the  impure  water.  But  what  hinders  you 
from  gradually  introducing  fresh  water  into  the  old?  To  drop 
the  metaphor,  what  hinders  you  from  using  the  institutions  and 
means  which  now  exist  to  your  purpose?" 

Later  in  a  conversation  with  Wolfgang,  Miinzer  doubts  the 
success  of  such  a  system.93  "Gradual  reform  can  do  nothing. 
These  aristocratic  statesmen  will  soon  run  through  their  arts  and 
then  next  will  come  the  appeal  to  the  ultima  ratio  of  the  king 
which  is  also  the  ultima  ratio  of  the  people.  Then  iron  will  heal 
what  medicine  was  not  able  to  heal  and  many  a  funeral  pyre 
will  have  to  be  lighted  before  the  oppressive  atmosphere  of  this 
police-state  is  so  purified  that  a  free  breast  will  be  able  to  breathe 
freely." 

The  military  policy  of  Bismarck  had  not  escaped  the  watch 
ful  eye  of  Spielhagen.  and  here  for  the  first  time  in  the  novel  of 
the  century  the  part  which  the  army  is  to  play  in  the  coming- 
struggle  is  noted."4    The  Major  von  Degenfeld  is  represented  as 
recognizing  its  value.     "The  restless  progress  of  modern  times 
will  make  itself  felt  in  the  military  life.     The  German  army  can 
not  remain  what  it  is.     We  have  the  one  alternative;  either  we 
become  pretorians  or  we  transform  the  armies  of  the  princes 
into  a  national  army.     I  am  not  pessimistic  enough  to  consider 
the  first  as  probable,  at  any  rate  for  any  length  of  time,  but  I 
am  not  also  so  sanguine  as  to  believe  that  the  other  reform  can 
take  place  so  easily  or  so  quickly.     Progress  in  this  will  and  must 
go  hand  in  hand  with  progress  in  other  phases  of  civic  life;  it 
is  ridiculous  to  want  a  national  army  even  before  we  are  one 
nation.     But  I  am  firmly  convinced  that  we  will  reach  that  goal. 
Without  that  hope  I  should  have  long  since  quit  the  service.  But 
in  order  that  we  attain  that  goal  more  quickly  it  is  above  all 
necessary  that  in  our  ranks  there  should  first  be  aroused  and 
encouraged  the  knowledge  of  the  goal   and   the  means   of  at 
taining  it." 


'Ibid,  350. 
Ibid,  359. 


62  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

The  Major  looks  for  this  change  in  the  army  to  come  from 
the  influence  of  a  strong  man.  If  this  man  should  imperil  the 
freedom,  then  the  Germans  must  have  a  taste  of  imperialism 
which  in  their  present  disunited  condition  would  not  after  all 
be  a  misfortune.95 

These  ideas  at  once  call  forth  opposition  on  the  part  of 
Miinzer  when  they  are  reported  to  him  by  Wolfgang.96  "No! 
No,  just  the  reverse.  It  is  foolish  to  hope  we  can  ever  become 
one  people,  if  we  do  not  in  this  way  or  that  create  a  national 
army." 

In  the  course  of  the  novel  Spielhagen  shows  how  Miinzer's 
ideas  carry  him  too  far  and  his  plans  border  so  close  to  treason 
that  some  of  his  most  intimate  friends  and  followers  can  no 
longer  give  him  their  wholehearted  support.  The  ultimate  aim 
of  his  plans  is  for  example  correctly  estimated  by  Uncle  Peter.97 
"Miinzer  has  renounced  the  party  to  which  he  once  claimed  al 
legiance.  He  would  change  the  German  political  movement  into 
an  European  one,  aye  a  cosmopolitan  one.  I  have  definite  in 
formation  that  he  is  in  correspondence  with  the.  French,  Italian, 
and  Slavonic  republicans,  and  I  am  convinced  that  if  his  ideas 
prevail  we  will  not  arrive  at  German  unity  but  will  get  into  the 
devil's  pantry." 

The  closing  days  of  Miinzer's  active  political  life  are  por 
trayed  with  excellent  skill.  He  has  been  defeated  and  all  his 
plans  are  a  failure,  yet  he  is  depicted  as  remaining  true  to  his 
convictions,  by  no  means  ready  to  renounce  any  of  the  principles 
which  he  had  advocated  and  for  which  he  had  fought.98  "With 
self  assurance  I  can  claim  I  have  worked  for  the  freedom  and 
unity  of  my  fatherland.  No  matter  how  discontented  my  friends 
may  be  with  me,  they  will  not  deny  this  claim.  Our  revolution  is 
a  failure,  a  miserable  failure.  Instead  of  a  social  or  even  a 
republican  insurrection  we  had  a  border  campaign  for  a  romantic 
constitution  that  will  forever  remain  on  paper.  I  can  only  enrich 
the  soil  with  my  blood  from  which  in  later  times  perhaps  the 

93  Ibid,  472. 
K  Ibid,  311. 
"Ibid,  500. 
mlbid.  666. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  63 

state  with  a  better  freedom  will  arise  than  can  now  succeed  in 
the  shadow  of  thirty-six  thrones  which  are  beyond  our  reach 
and  of  innumerable  churches  which  one  still  respects  as  sanctu 
aries.  .  .  .  On  that  beautiful  morning  when  the  banners,  which 
now  lie  in  the  dust,  wave  from  all  the  ramparts  and  roofs  and 
the  golden  sun  looks  down  upon  a  free  and  united  people  may 
you  then  think  of  me  without  sorrow ;  may  you  not  deny  to  me 
the  claim:  'He  erred  in  his  life  and  had  many  faults  but  he  died 
for  his  ideal — a  united  German  social  Republic'." 

After  winning  lasting  fame  through  his  novelettes  of  peas 
ant  life,  Berthold  Auerbach  tried  his  hand  at  the  "Zeitroman," 
first  in  Neucs  Lebcn  (1852).  Auerbach  had  been  made  to  suffer 
in  the  Hohenasperg  for  his  enthusiasm  for  German  unity  and  it  is 
but  natural  that  the  desire  for  national  unity  should  find  expres 
sion  in  those  works  dealing  with  existing  political  conditions.  In 
this  novel  Auerbach  casts  a  proving  glance  upon  the  events  inci 
dent  to  the  Revolution  of  48  and  then  plans  for  the  new  life  and 
the  new  hopes  of  the  future. 

The  joys  which  Auerbach  himself  experienced  during  the 
promising  days  preceding  the  Frankfurt  Assembly  is  voiced 
by  Baumann,  the  Turner  and  teacher."  "The  happiest  day  of  my 
life  was  the  sixth  of  August." 

"So  then  you  too  expected  on  that  day  something  from  the 
dreaming  political  sages  of  the  Paulus  Church  who  first  armed 
their  enemies  and  then  with  empty  hands  wanted  to  make  laws 
and  history?" 

"My  whole  soul  was  filled  with  joy.  I  explained  to  my 
children  that  on  that  day  just  forty-two  years  before  Germany 
had  given  up  the  name  of  unity.  And  when  with  my  school  I 
marched  out  to  the  grove  where  the  people  with  their  weapons 
in  their  hands  were  paying  homage  to  their  self  appointed  Vice- 
Regent,  when  thousands  upon  thousands  cried  'Hail  to  a  united 
and  free  German  fatherland'  and  each  pressed  the  other  to  his 
heart,  my  joy  was  so  great  that  I  cried." 


99  Neues  Leben,  I,  9. 


64  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

The  reason  for  the  failure  of  the  Revolution  is  discussed  by 
the  aged  peasant  and  Eugene.100  "Do  you  know  why  the  Revolu 
tion  was  a  failure?  Because  it  was  all  a  deception  and  a  lie. 
They  cried  that  they  wanted  a  constitution  but  after  all  they  only 
wanted  a  republic  and  dismemberment."  Eugene  too  agrees  with 
him  that  victory  over  the  opposing  forces  could  only  have  meant 
a  republic,  or  perchance  in  the  end  they  ought  to  have  forced 
one  of  the  princes  to  become  Emperor.  The  peasant  nods  his 
head  in  approval  and  with  mute  eloquence  points  to  a  large  ink- 
spot  on  the  floor  which  was  designated  in  the  family  as  the  map 
of  Schleswig-Holstein  because  the  old  peasant  had  made  it  when 
he  received  the  news  of  the  disaster  of  that  country. 

Another  character  with  definite  political  opinions  is 
Kronauer.  To  him  unity  is  only  possible  through  powerful  lead 
ers.101  "I  do  not  believe  in  German  unity  without  a  powerful 
ruler.  You  know  I  always  ask  'What  is  man'  not  'what  ought 
man  to  be.'  The  Germans  were  never  united  and  are  now 
nowhere  united.  I  received  a  letter  to-day  from  a  friend  in 
America.  He  writes  me  that  in  that  country  no  people  are  so 
without  unity  as  the  Germans.  From  England  we  hear  that  not 
even  the  emigrants  are  united  and  unlike  the  emigrants  from 
other  races  will  not  accept  even  self  appointed  leaders  or  represen 
tatives.  Revolutions  among  us  are  always  failures  from  the  lack 
of  discipline.  No  one  will  allow  or  submit  to  a  leader." 

Eugene  will  not  admit  the  universal  truth  of  this  but 
Kronauer  continued :  "Our  misfortune  is  that  we  are  too  poetic. 
The  whole  movement  was  a  revivication  of  Schiller  coupled  with 
exhalted  rhetorical  polemics.  The  hero  of  the  Paulus  church 
was  a  Schiller  afterbirth,  a  Posa  the  Second." 

Upon  the  objection  of  Eugene  that  one  chief  fault  lay  in  the 
fact  that  the  leaders  of  the  old  Liberals  allowed  themselves  to 
be  made  ministers  of  the  petty  states  too  quickly  and  robbed  the 
whole  movement  of  able  leaders,  Kronauer  sorrow  fully  declares 
that  the  Germans  could  do  nothing  more  now  than  to  try  and 
improve  and  perfect  themselves.  In  this  process  Eugene  does 

™Ibid,  I,  37- 
mlbid,  II,  9Sf. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  65 

not  believe  in  the  sacrifice  of  the  individual  for  others.  Kronauer 
believes  in  such  sacrifices  only  so  far  as  it  brings  growth  and 
gain  to  the  party  so  sacrified.  "One  must  have  the  courage  to 
confess  a  higher  egoism.  The  individual  does  not  exist  for  the 
whole  but  the  whole  for  the  individual."  After  all  he  believes 
that  in  the  effort  to  attain  unity,  too  much  is  being  made  of  the 
people  and  that  the  greatest  need  is  for  robust  men  of  force  who 
know  their  own  mind. 

As  Eugene  reads  his  Fichte  he  deplores  the  fact  that  this 
worthy  man,  as  well  as  other  philosophers  have  erected  system 
after  system  but  the  popular  mind  knows  nothing  of  it.  It  holds 
fast  to  its  conservative  opinions.  The  nation  seems  doomed  to 
eternal  dismemberment  because  the  light  of  exalted  minds  only 
lights  up  the  heights  and  does  not  reach  to  the  depths.  He  is 
more  and  more  convinced  that  if  those  who  now  so  joyfully  die 
were  just  as  ready  to  live  for  their  neighbor  and  for  the  nation 
there  would  develop  in  the  hearts  of  all  a  unity  which  would 
bring  about  the  desired  united  nation. 

The  two  great  novels  Auf  de  Hohe  (1865)  and  Das  Land- 
haus  am  Rhein  (1869)  were  such  in  subject  matter  that  they  did 
not  offer  Auerbach  an  opportunity  for  any  direct  treatment  of 
German  unity. 

He  again  treated  a  political  theme  in  Wold  fried  (1872).  In 
style  this  is  one  of  his  weakest  works  yet  in  many  respects  its  con 
tents  is  for  the  present  subject  one  of  the  most  interesting.  More 
a  diary  than  a  novel,  it  gives  Auerbach's  impressions  of  men 
and  events  in  Southern  Germany  between  1848  and  1872.  The 
growth  of  national  unity  in  this  part  of  the  nation  forms  a  con 
siderable  part  of  the  subject  matter.  He  shows  the  deep  rooted 
suspicion  and  hatred  of  the  Southern  German  people  giving  way 
to  the  growing  influence  of  Prussia  when  that  state  had  proved 
its  right  to  lead  and  finally  with  what  joy  they  hailed  the  new 
nation  and  gladly  became  a  part  of  it. 

The  first  references  to  unity  occur  in  connection  with  the 
impressions  aroused  on  the  approach  of  the  war  of  1866.  As 
the  war  cloud  drew  near,  the  Major  in  his  southern  patriotism 
exclaims:  "Pshaw!  T  too  once  believed  in  German  unity  as 


66  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  i8jo 

they  are  fond  of  calling  it  and  I  even  had  hopes  of  Prussia.  But 
now  we  will  show  these  impudent  mustached  Prussian  gentle 
men  what  we  are  made  of."  102 

Father  Waldfried  takes  a  more  pacific  view.103  "I  cannot 
help  maintaining  that  the  war  of  1866  was  forced  on  the  people 
against  their  will  so  far  as  I  can  judge  and  I  have  spoken  to 
many  on  the  subject.  The  Prussians  did  not  desire  war,  the  Con 
servatives  did  certainly  not  wish  it,  for  Austria  was  after  all  the 
bulwark  of  their  principles.  The  Liberals  did  not  want  it;  nor 
did  the  soldiers  go  forth  with  cheerful  hearts.  But  necessity 
had  become  incarnate  in  the  brain  of  a  single  statesman;  separa 
tion  from  Austria  was  the  end  to  be  gained  and  though  it  went 
hard  that  result  must  be  achieved.  But  the  operation  was  a 
difficult  and  painful  one." 

"Then  the  news  came  that  the  Diet  had  raised  the  German 
colors,  black-red-gold.  Thus  the  Diet  dared  to  unfurl  the  flag 
which  we  had  always  regarded  with  devotion  for  the  sake  of 
which  we  had  been  persecuted,  imprisoned  or  exiled.  It  seemed 
as  if  the  holiest  of  holies  had  been  defiled  and  dishonored.  Tt 
is  the  death  bed  repentance  of  a  sinner  who  has  not  enough  time 
left  to  do  good'  said  Richard  who  divined  the  thoughts  which 
were  passing  through  my  mind."  104 

The  news  that  Prussia  had  been  successful  in  the  short  war 
seemed  like  a  promise  of  a  more  peaceful  and  prosperous  future 
and  our  hero  exclaims:  105  "Thank  God,  they  have  beaten  us." 
The  additional  step  then  in  this  regime  of  blood  and  iron  should 
be  taken  "if  Prussia  could  only  march  into  the  South  German 
palaces.  That  is  the  way  to  bring  about  the  proper  understand 
ing."  "The  realization  of  hopes  one  could  not  help  entertaining 
sometimes  produces  new  and  unforeseen  griefs.  Thus  it  had  been 
with  the  separation  of  Austria  from  the  rest  of  Germany.  It 
had  long  been  recognized  as  necessary  to  the  proper  development 
of  our  political  life  and  as  an  advantage  to  "Austria;  and  yet 


Waldfried,  115. 
Ibid,  122. 
123. 
id,  183. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  67 

when  it  was  brought  about  it  seemed  more  like  a  death  that  one 
had  felt  it  his  duty  to  wish  for."  106 

With  Austria  out  of  the  way,  the  chief  question  in  the  mind 
of  all  was,  what  should  be  the  policy  of  Prussia.107  "The  question 
whether  a  republic  or  a  monarchy  should  be  preferred  is  about 
the  same  as  if  one  were  to  ask  which  is  better,  meat  or  farinaceous 
food.  All  depends  upon  the  manner  in  which  the  food  is  pre 
pared  and  upon  the  digestive  powers  of  the  stomach."  "As  there 
is  no  one  church  which  alone  could  save  mankind,  so  there  is  no 
one  form  of  government  which  could  alone  make  all  men  free. 
After  all  everything  depended  on  the  honesty  and  morality  of  the 
citizen,  and  for  that  reason  it  could  not  be  maintained  that  the 
republican  form  of  government  was  a  guarantee  of  freedom 
or  that  a  monarchy  necessarily  implied  a  condition  of  servi 
tude."108  "The  days  of  Pericles  and  Scipio  are  reflected  in  the 
soul  of  every  German  who  has  received  a  classical  education, 
and  logically  considered  a  republic  is  the  only  form  of  free  gov 
ernment.  But  neither  the  life  of  nature  nor  that  of  history 
is  absolutely  logical  for  actual  necessity  sets  aside  the  systems 
erected  by  abstract  reason."  109 

About  this  time  Ludwig  who  has  resided  in  America  for 
many  years  returns  to  his  fatherland  and  voices  his  opinion  con 
cerning  Germany  in  the  following  words:  110  "How  do  I  find 
Germany?  I  find  only  halves  of  Germany,  but  they  must  and 
will,  who  knows  how  soon,  become  a  whole  Germany.  The 
German  people  have  become  more  practical  and  well-to-do  than 
they  were  formerly.  As  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  observe  there 
is  an  abundance  of  well  directed  energy,  great  activity  in  all  that 
pertains  to  the  trades,  to  science  and  to  art,  and  enough  liberty 
to  achieve  what  is  still  needed  to  make  a  complete  whole.  Let  us 
remain  strong  and  firm  and  without  faltering  faithfully  labor  for 
the  common  weal." 


""Ibid,  193- 

101  Ibid,  257. 
™Ibid,  251. 

10>  Ibid,  326. 

110  Ibid,  272. 


68  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

Richard  looks  forward  for  some  event  that  would  mark  a 
turning  point  in  the  affairs  of  men  or  for  the  appearance  of  some 
great  man  who  should  utter  the  command  "Come  and  follow 
me."111  Ludwig  too  believes  that  liberation  can  be  brought  about 
only  by  one  who  possesses  a  cool  head  and  a  firm  hand  so  that 
without  swerving  a  hair's  breadth  to  either  side  he  can  put  in 
the  knife  where  it  was  needed.  When  however  this  man  really 
appears  in  the  person  of  Bismark  he  does  not  come  up  to  their 
ideal.112  "How  strange  it  is !  Ever  since  the  Congress  of  Vienna 
all  friends  of  the  fatherland  have  clamored  for  a  man  who  with 
firm  hand  and  shrewd  judgment  would,  regardless  of  con 
sequences,  force  Germany  into  unity.  Now  that  he  is  with  us, 
they  hurl  stones  at  him."  Only  among  the  youths  does  he  find 
acceptance,  as  is  indicated  by  a  Corps  student  known  as  Baribal 
who  exclaims:  "What!  Bismark!  If  that  black  devil  will 
bring  about  unity,  I  shall  sell  my  soul  to  him."  113 

"The  battle  was  over  and  peace  had  been  concluded.  Al 
though  Austria  was  separated  from  Germany  there  was  as  yet 
no  real  Germany.  While  the  high  contracting  parties  were  fram 
ing  the  chief  clauses  to  their  treaty  the  Frenchman  who  was  look 
ing  over  their  shoulders  took  the  pen  in  his  hand  and  drew  a 
black  mark  across  the  page  and  called  it  the  line  of  the  Main."114 
This  line  must  be  effaced  and  revenge  had  for  old  wrongs  and 
it  was  hoped  that  the  coming  encounter  with  the  old  foe  would 
have  as  one  of  the  results  the  desired  unity.  As  it  becomes  more 
and  more  certain  that  war  with  France  is  inevitable,  Father  Wald- 
fried  rejoices  to  think  that  the  day  had  at  last  arrived  in  which 
one  might  say  the  hearts  of  all  Germans  beat  in  unison.  After 
having  fought  and  suffered  for  fifty  years  he  rejoices  to  witness 
the  fruition  of  his  hopes  even  though  the  price  paid  be  war  and 
bloodshed. 

On  the  eve  of  the  declaration  of  war  Ludwig  is  said  to  sway 
the  crowd  to  his  will,  but  of  it  all  we  hear  only  a  few  neatly 


1U  Ibid,  252. 
MIbid,  257. 
"'  Ibid,  340. 
"'Ibid,  186. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  69 

turned  figures.115  "Allow  me  to  make  a  comparison  from  my 
trade.  It  requires  many  strong  posts  to  make  the  scaffolding  of 
a  building.  The  departed  martyrs  for  German  unity  were  the 
scaffolding.  It  has  been  torn  down  and  now  we  behold  the  build 
ing  pure  and  simple,  firmly  and  regularly  built  and  appropriately 
adorned.  Or  another  simile.  Have  you  ever  observed  a  raft  in 
the  valley  stream?  It  floats  along  slowly  and  lazily  but  when  it 
reaches  the  weir  it  hurries.  And  then  is  the  time  to  find  out 
whether  the  withes  are  strong  and  whether  they  hold  the  planks 
firmly  together.  The  German  logs  must  now  pass  through  the 
weir.  There  is  a  cracking  and  a  straining  but  they  hold  fast  to 
each  other  and  right  merrily  do  they  float  into  the  Rhine  and  out 
into  the  ocean." 

Father  Waldfried  is  summoned  by  his  prince  and  in  the  con 
versation  between  the  two,  however  improbable  the  relation  and 
ideas  expressed  may  be,  Auerbach  has  introduced  many  a 
patriotic  sentiment  on  German  unity.  Apropos  to  nothing  in  par 
ticular  Waldfried  tells  the  Prince :  "The  growth  of  the  idea  of 
German  unity  has  been  in  geometric  progression.  During  the 
period  of  the  rotten  restoration  from  the  battle  of  Leipzig  down 
to  1830  those  who  entertained  it  might  have  been  counted  by  the 
hundreds,  or  at  most  by  thousands,  and  they  were  to  be  found 
only  among  the  cultured  or  learned  class.  After  1830  they  were 
counted  by  hundreds  of  thousands,  and  after  1848  by  millions; 
and  to-day  the  thought  of  German  unity  is  alive  in  all  who  know 
that  they  are  Germans.  One  system  of  laws  within  our  borders, 
a  united  army  and  a  united  representation  in  foreign  lands.  The 
forest  is  one  united  whole  and  yet  every  tree  has  its  individual 
life.  The  people  do  not  believe  so,  that  is,  they  do  not  feel  so 
to-day,  but  they  will  to-morrow.  Deeds,  deeds  of  sacrifice,  are 
the  most  powerful  instructors;  they  teach  men  what  they  should 
think  and  even  find  a  voice  for  what  has  been  slumbering  in  their 
souls,  for  what  through  pride  and  anger  or  through  want  of 
courage  they  have  not  even  dared  to  think  of."  ne 


322. 
iulbid,  327*- 


70  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

"When  I  think  of  the  time  before  1830  I  see  opposed  to 
each  other  extravagant  enthusiasm  and  impotence,  courageous 
virtue  and  cowardly  vice,  chaste  and  devoted  faith  in  the  ideals, 
and  mockery,  ridicule  and  frivolous  disbelief  in  all  that  was 
noble,  the  one  side,  cherishing  righteousness,  the  other  scoffing 
at  it.  In  other  words  on  the  one  side  Uhland,  on  the  other  Met- 
ternich." 

The  prince  asks  Waldfried  :  "Do  you  candidly  and  heartily 
desire  the  continued  existence  of  my  sovereign  dynasty?" 
"Sovereign,  no;  dynasty,  yes.  I  have  fought,  thought  and  lived 
for  this  during  my  whole  lifetime.  If  we  are  to  gain  a  real  father 
land,  the  princes  must  relinquish  their  claim  to  sovereignty,  that 
belongs  to  the  whole." 

"You  are  an  enthusiastic  friend  of  Prussia?" 
"I  am  ;  for  in  Prussia  I  recognize  the  backbone  of  our  national 
existence.  She  is  not  prepossessing;  but  steadfast  and  reliable. 
Prussia  saved  Germany.  She  has  dallied  a  great  while  before 
claiming  her  reward  for  that  service  but  at  last  she  receives  it." 
The  prince  is  represented  as  offering  Waldfried  the  presi 
dency  of  the  Cabinet.  "As  a  first  condition  I  requested  the 
Prince  to  give  me  a  written  assurance  that  he  resign  all  privi 
leges  which  would  interfere  with  German  unity."  After  some 
hesitation  the  Prince  replied  :  "Here  is  my  hand.  I  have  a  right 
to  do  this  and  desire  to  be  the  first  to  have  the  victorious  King  of 
Prussia  as  Emperor." 

After  the  war  was  over  and  the  victory  won  Waldfried  can 
not  restrain  his  joy.  "The  blood  of  South  and  North  has  been 
shed  together.  The  union  of  the  German  people  is  now  in 
dissoluble."  117  "Oh  fortunate  posterity!  You  cannot  know  or 
appreciate  our  feelings  during  those  days.  We  had  long  cherished 
these  aspirations  for  our  country,  for  a  united  Germany;  the 
less  we  could  hope  for  their  realization,  the  deeper  they  lay  in 
our  hearts.  Patriotism  was  like  religious  martyrdom.  Our 
country  did  not  return  our  love.  On  the  contrary  it  was  re 
quited  by  hate  and  persecutions  from  those  higher  in  station 


,  404. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  71 

and  by  neglect  and  ridicule  from  the  lowly.  And  in  spite  of  all 
for  more  than  fifty  years  we  stood  firm  and  true  without  hope 
of  reward."118  "Yes,  treasured  in  secret  and  worn  like  an  amulet 
of  magic  power  for  the  sake  of  which  we  suffered  are  the  colors 
of  the  new  Confederation.  At  first  the  thought  pained  me,  but 
perhaps  it  is  all  for  the  best.  The  empire  which  is  now  being 
established  is  not  quite  the  one  of  which  we  sang  and  dreamed 
or  for  the  love  of  which  we  were  thrown  into  dungeons.  But 
it  is  full  of  a  new  and  vigorous  life  and  instead  of  the  golden 
glitter  of  poesy  we  have  the  simple  white  of  prose." 

Besides  the  more  or  less  definite  treatment  of  national  unity 
just  noticed  there  remains  to  be  noticed  two  forms  of  indefinite 
treatment  frequently  found  in  the  novel  of  the  century.  One  of 
these  may  be  called  the  definite  mention  of  unity,  the  other  veiled 
reference  to  it. 

By  the  first  is  meant  the  simple  and  direct  use  of  the  words 
"national  unity"  without  any  attempt  or  intent  to  treat  it  in  any 
way.  It  usually  occurs  in  three  forms. 

First,  as  a  type  word  for  some  goal  that  seems  unattainable, 
or  for  some  thing  or  idea  that  seems  just  beyond  reach.  For 
example  Ave-Lallemant  in  Mechulle-Leut'  depicts  some  thieves 
trying  to  gain  entrance  to  a  villa.  They  find  every  effort  blocked 
and  one  of  them  exclaims:  "Curse  it  all.  We'll  get  in  by  the 
time  Germany  is  united."119  In  Raus'  Kaiser  und  Pabst  one 
character  is  worried  over  the  obstinacy  of  a  friend  and  exclaims : 
"It  would  be  easier  to  unite  the  German  states  than  to  persuade 
him  to  do  my  will."120  Or  again  in  Brunow's  Der  Christ:  "That 
is  as  hard  to  find  as  German  unity."  121 

Second,  as  a  type  word  for  something  that  is  romantic, 
dreamy,  or  uncertain.  In  Ring's  Verirrt  und  Erlost  occurs  the 
sentence :  "That  is  almost  as  enticing  as  the  dream  of  a  united 


ialbid,  481. 

119  Mechulle-Leuf,  218. 

120  Kaiser  und  Pabst,  II,  74. 
**  Der  Christ,  I,  132. 


72  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

Germany."  122    Or  again  in  Hoefer's  In  der  Irre:  "He  has  about 
as  clear  an  idea  of  that  as  our  youth  have  of  German  unity."  123 

Third,  as  one  of  the  necessary  requisites  for  perfection  or 
success.  In  Lange's  Nach  Zwanzig  Jahren:  "Curse  upon  this 
dismembered  Germany  that  forces  our  poets  to  write  for  their 
neighbors  and  not  for  our  nation."  124  Or  in  Rupius'  Bin 
Deutscher:  "That  were  possible  if  this  Germany  were  an  Ameri 
can  United  States."  125 

The  three  uses  of  the  word  just  noticed  seems  to  have  been 
widespread.  It  occurs  frequently  in  the  novel,  can  very  probably 
be  found  in  the  drama  and  was  often  used  in  conversation  as  a 
figure  of  speech.  Dr.  Klein  writes  that  he  remembers  "hearing 
it  so  used  very  early  in  his  life  and  during  the  fifth  and  sixth 
decades  it  was  quite  frequently  heard  in  conversation.  When  so 
used  it  was  not  necessarily  indicative  of  a  patriotic  heart,  or  of  a 
mind  which  was  striving  to  solve  the  problem  of  states  union,  but 
it  simply  became  a  catchword  to  express  failure,  hindrance,  or 
indefiniteness." 

By  veiled  references  to  unity  is  meant  frequent  state 
ments  like,  "We  are  a  nation  of  brothers,"  "Brotherhood  of  our 
race,"  "We  all  speak  one  language,"  "Alas !  that  I  must  fight 
against  my  brothers."  There  is  no  doubt  that  such  statements 
were  frequently  written  with  little  or  no  reference  to  real  national 
unity,  or  were  used  in  the  broader  cosmopolitan  idea  of  the 
brotherhood  and  unity  of  the  human  race.  But  in  the  greater 
majority  of  cases  one  cannot  help  but  feel  that  they  were  written 
with  the  dream  of  a  united  fatherland  clearly  in  mind,  and  that 
they  recalled  the  thought  in  the  minds  of  their  readers.  When 
for  example  the  mother  in  Norden's  Dunkle  Wege  tells  her  son 
concerning  the  Austrian  children,  his  playmates,  with  whom 
he  has  quarreled :  "Yes  my  son  but  remember  that  they  are  your 
brothers  and  sisters.  You  all  speak  the  same  language.  You 
should  not  quarrel  with  each  other.  If  Karl  Wants  to  be  king. 


"'  Verirrt  und  Erlost,  52. 
128  In  der  Irre,  IT.  241. 
124  Nach  Zwaiizig  Jahren,  109. 
326  Em  Deutscher,  III,  39. 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  73 

you  should  not  insist  on  your  merits,  but  become  a  faithful 
prince,"  we  have  a  case  which  can  only  mean  one  thing. 

Such  references  are  very  numerous,  recurring  frequently 
in  the  same  novel  or  in  successive  novels.  The  following  authors 
seem  inclined  to  such  a  use :  Backer,  Borne,  Borland,  Brachvogel, 
Duller,  Heller,  Hesekiel,  Morike,  Miigge,  Prutz,  Schiicking,  Star, 
Stolle  and  Zschokke. 

The  frequent  association  of  the  terms  freedom  and  unity 
(Freiheit  und  Einheit)  led  to  a  mixing  of  the  two  to  such  an 
extent  that  often  one  is  inclined  to  believe  that  an  author  some 
times  writes  of  freedom  when  with  it  he  was  associating  the 
name  of  unity.  While  this  occurs  more  frequently  in  political 
pamphlets  which  were  subject  to  a  closer  scrutiny  on  the  part 
of  the  censor,  there  can  be  no  question  but  that  such  smuggling 
was  also  usual  in  the  novel. 

It  has  been  usually  believed  that  the  attitude  of  the  police- 
state  toward  political  agitation  and  the  suppressive  measures  in 
troduced,  was  one  reason  why  the  idea  of  national  unity  did  not 
receive  greater  treatment  in  literature.  This  reason  however 
cannot  be  considered  as  a  very  potent  one.  The  very  fact  that 
political  pamphlets  on  unity,  published  over  the  authors'  signa 
ture,  circulated  with  considerable  freedom  and  brought  only  in 
a  few  cases  persecution  would  seem  to  indicate  that  any  treat 
ment  such  as  could  have  been  given  in  the  novel  would  have 
passed  unnoticed.  The  literary  writers  who  did  come  under  the 
ban  were  in  almost  every  case  persecuted  for  real  or  fancied  politi 
cal  agitation  proper  and  not  for  any  political  opinion  on  German 
unity  they  may  have  expressed  in  purely  literary  works.  Each 
decade  brought  greater  freedom,  though  not  complete  freedom 
even  after  1870,  in  the  expression  of  political  ideas  and  the  rigid 
censorship  of  the  earlier  decades  was  not  sufficient  cause  to  deter 
authors  from  expressing  their  opinions. 

There  were  two  other  far  more  potent  causes  to  prevent  a 
widespread  expression  of  the  subject  in  literature. 

The  thought  of  political  unity  was  one  that  remained  for 
all  time  largely  a  poet's  dream,  and  so  could  not  entice  many 


74  National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870 

authors  to  any  treatment  such  as  would  have  been  in  place  in  the 
novel.  This  was  especially  true  during  the  first  three  decades 
when  the  idea  was  too  new  to  offer  a  perspective  for  any  sort  of 
definite  treatment.  At  this  time  the  Romantic  writers,  and  the 
nation  as  a  whole  for  that  matter,  surrounded  it  with  the  nimbus 
of  their  poetic  fancy  and  so  it  remained  in  the  literary  world  at 
least  in  the  decades  that  followed — a  Romantic  dream.  The  posi 
tive  demands  of  men  like  Pfitzer,  Schulz  and  Munch  made  a  pro 
found  impression  on  all  non-Austrian  states  but  it  brought  com 
paratively  little  change  in  the  treatment  the  question  received  in 
literature  except  that  Prussia  came  more  and  more  to  the  front 
as  the  possible  leader  in  unity.  The  events  of  1848  and  the  years 
of  reaction  that  followed  tended  to  drive  the  subject  again  into 
the  realm  of  dreamland  and  there  it  remained  until  the  keen 
mind  and  iron  hand  of  Bismark  found  a  means  of  attaining 
political  unity  and  so  changed  the  dream  into  a  reality,  a  reality 
which  in  many  ways  bore  little  or  no  resemblance  to  the  dream. 

The  disunion  of  Germany  was  in  itself  a  powerful  cause  for 
no  extensive  treatment.  For  years  no  one  state  represented  the 
national  hope  of  all  the  German  states,  and  there  was  in  the 
main  no  truly  national  patriotism,  as  there  was  no  one  state 
about  which  it  could  centre.  So  many  writers,  if  patriotic  at  all, 
were  filled  with  a  purely  local  patriotism  and  did  not  direct  their 
thoughts  or  eyes  beyond  the  interests  of  their  own  petty  states. 
The  great  number  of  "Localdichter"  and  the  great  mass  of 
literary  productions  which  had  meaning  and  interest  only  in  lim 
ited  districts  is  sufficient  proof  of  this.  To  be  sure,  later  in  the 
century  there  grew  up  a  recognition  of  the  necessity  of  a  com 
bination  of  local  and  national  patriotism,  but  this  seems  to  have 
been  appreciated  only  by  a  few,  among  them  the  better  writers 
such  as  Alexis,  Scheffel  and  Freytag. 

The  number  of  authors,  however,  who  do  treat  it  definitely 
or  mention  it  briefly,  represent  a  very  fair  propo>tion  and  are  in 
dicative  of  the  prominent  place  the  question  held  in  the  thought 
of  the  day.  German  national  unity  was  not  the  creation  of  any 
one  individual.  The  German  nation,  or  rather  the  thought  of  all 


National  Unity  in  the  German  Novel  Before  1870  75 

Germans  through  the  ages,  was  the  real  creator.  German  history 
and  German  thought  kept  alive  the  ancient  spirit  that  filled  the 
old  Germania  of  Tacitus,  and  when  the  time  came  it  demanded 
its  old  integrity.  Through  the  ages  the  thought  was  embodied 
and  kept  sacred  by  native  tongue,  song  and  poetry,  and  in  this 
embodiment  and  preservation  the  German  novel  of  the  nineteenth 
century  played  no  small  part. 


AMERICANA   GERMANICA 

MONOGRAPHS   DEVOTED  TO  THE   COMPARATIVE  STUDY   OF  THE 

Literary,  Linguistic  and  Other  Cultural  Relations  of 
Germany  and  America 


EDITOR 

MARION  DEXTER  LEARNED 

University  of  Pennsylvania 


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STARR  W.  CUTTING  HUGO  K.  SCHILLING 

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A.  B.  FAUST  HERMANN  SCHOENFELD 

KUNO  FRANCKE  CALVIN  THOMAS 

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